The World As We Know It Came to an End on October 8, 2023, Not October 7

Please support my work as a reader-funded investigative journalist, commentator and activist. If you can help, please click on the button below to donate via PayPal.

 

For the last 320 days — that’s just seven weeks short of an entire year — the State of Israel has been engaged in the most brazen and visible genocide in the whole of human history, publicly supported by most of the governments of the west, murdering the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip (mostly civilians, and half of them children) at an average rate of 125 a day, or five every hour, in an onslaught on a trapped civilian population that is unprecedented in its scale and ferocity.

These figures come from the most recent assessment, by the Gaza Strip’s shattered Health Ministry, that over 40,000 of Gaza’s population of 2.3 million (2% of the entire population, or 1 in every 50 of its inhabitants) have been killed over the last ten and a half months, although the true death toll is undoubtedly many times higher.

As Dr. Marwan al-Hams, the director of field hospitals at the Palestinian Ministry of Health, told the Guardian, “This number, 40,000, includes only bodies that were received and buried.” In addition, “About 10,000 airstrike victims were thought to remain entombed in collapsed buildings”, Dr. al-Hams said, “because there was little heavy equipment or fuel to dig through steel and concrete ruins looking for them.”

As the Guardian also explained, “Another group of Palestinian war victims do not show up in the official count, which only registers those killed by bombs and bullets as war dead” — the indirect deaths that accompany every prolonged attack on civilian populations in densely-populated urban areas, and which have been deliberately made as murderous as possible by the Israeli regime.

As the Guardian described it, “Over the past 10 months the war has brought mass displacement into crowded shelters and makeshift tents, hunger as aid shipments dwindled and chronic shortages of clean water and sanitation which spread diseases. Hospitals have been bombed and besieged, their supplies of medicines, equipment and fuel cut off, their medical staff detained or killed, and their wards left overflowing.”

This is all part of the deliberate and almost total destruction of the infrastructure of the Gaza Strip, in which three-quarters of its housing has been destroyed or damaged, two million people have been made into internal refugees, almost all schools, universities and hospitals have all been destroyed, farmland ruined, factories levelled, roads erased, and water and sewage facilities also destroyed.

As Dr. al-Hams put it, “People who died due to indirect impacts of war, including diseases, starvation and the collapse of the healthcare system, are not included” in the figure of 40,000 dead. He added that, eventually, when — if — there is an end to hostilities, a committee would be formed to count these victims.

As was made clear in a letter to The Lancet last month by three medical experts, which I wrote about here, indirect deaths, as established through detailed research into armed conflict since the 1990s, always exceed direct deaths many times over. At the time, the Gaza Health Ministry’s official death toll was 37,396, and the experts chose a multiplier of five to suggest that the true total might end up being 186,000, although, as “the burden of indirect deaths was between three and 15 times the number of direct deaths”, that total could have been as high as 600,000. Based on the latest figures, this would mean that the total number of dead might realistically be expected to be 200,000, but could be much, much higher.

The State of Israel disputes the Health Ministry’s figures, as it has done throughout its genocidal onslaught, although, as the Guardian also explained, “the doctors and civil servants who run the hospitals and health system have a credible record from past wars in Gaza. After multiple conflicts between 2009 and 2021, United Nations investigators drew up their own lists of the dead and found they closely matched ones from Gaza.”

Of the 40,000 dead, 32,280 have, to date, been identified by name, with the Guardian explaining that “most are considered civilians because of their age or gender”, and include “10,627 children, 5,956 women and 2,770 elderly people.” Also included are other identified civilians including “168 journalists, 855 medical staff and 79 paramedics.”

Sadly, the Guardian article also included Israel’s completely unsubstantiated claim that it “has killed about 15,000 fighters” — an impossible figure when only 12,000 of those identified by name are men. Israel’s claims also disregard the vast numbers of clearly-identified civilian men who have also been killed in the last 320 days, including academics, teachers, university professors, administrators, writers, artists, poets, shopkeepers, taxi drivers, farmers, factory workers — the list could go on and on and on.

A much more accurate assessment of the proportion of fighters has been repeatedly proposed by the Geneva-based Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, whose estimates of the death toll, including those buried under the rubble, which I followed closely from December to May, persistently estimated that over 90% of those killed were civilians, and that the number of fighters killed was no more than 4,000.

The Health Ministry also announced that 92,401 people have been wounded — a figure that can’t even begin to explain the horror of what being “wounded” means in an environment in which at least 3,000 children have lost limbs, many having had to endure amputations without anaesthetics, and countless more civilians of all ages face death because of the continuing lack of medical supplies, the destruction of sterile environments in hospitals, and the spread of diseases.

Moreover, the assessment of the numbers of those wounded is also a figure whose true contours are much, much higher, as it is, again, drawn solely from tallies of officially registered injuries. 

What happened to Israel on October 7?

All of the above clearly demonstrates what the International Court of Justice called a “plausible genocide” in January this year, when it ordered Israel to take “provisional measures” to curtail its genocidal intent (all of which were ignored), and it also provoked the International Criminal Court to propose issuing arrest warrants for war crimes and crimes against humanity, including “extermination”, for the Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the defense minister Yoav Gallant, who, notoriously, imposed a “complete siege” on Gaza on October 9, when he stated, “I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed.”

Israel’s actions have also, crucially, demonstrated a potentially fatal erosion of the post-Second World War notion of a worldwide “rules-based order”, developed by the UN and other international bodies, to outlaw and punish nations engaged in war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.

This “rules-based order” arose in response to the Nazi Holocaust, when the Nazis and their collaborators murdered six million Jews and eleven million other people, including nearly eight million Russians, and was accompanied by an assertion that such annihilation must “never again” take place, a phrase widely adopted by anti-genocide campaigners as referring to everyone everywhere, but also embraced — for Jews only — by the ultra-nationalist Israeli Rabbi Meir Kahane, who was eventually prosecuted in Israel for terrorism.

What a list of the catalogue of atrocities committed by Israel since October 7 fails to do, however, is to satisfactorily explain quite what has happened in Israel — and to the western governments unconditionally supporting it — to supposedly justify this flagrant and sickening contempt for the mechanisms put in place to try to prevent the industrial-scale slaughter of civilians from happening again.

Genocides, of course, have, sadly, been taking place since 1945, but none that involve so conspicuously a country that claims to be “the only democracy in the Middle East”, with “the most moral army in the world”, and none undertaken with such bragging, live-streamed enthusiasm that it appears to be a truly repulsive attempt to turn a genocide into a reality show.

We know how much of this is driven by Israel’s leaders, from Benjamin Netanyahu, on October 8, declaring war, promising, “We will bring the fight to them with a might and scale that the enemy has not yet known,” and adding that “the enemy will pay an unprecedented price”, to Yoav Gallant declaring his “complete siege”, and stating, “We are fighting human animals, and we must act accordingly.”

The genocidal intent has also been noticeably marked on social media, where, to cite just one example, Deputy Knesset speaker Nissim Vaturi wrote on X that Israel’s goal should be “erasing the Gaza Strip from the face of the Earth”, and has also been widespread on Israeli TV channels — mostly not seen on western broadcast media, but readily available, with translations, on social media — in which unfettered genocidal intent has also been enthusiastically and repeatedly declared.

We also know — or should — how much Israel has changed in recent years, most particularly since the re-election of Benjamin Netanyahu in October 2022, when, to secure power, he brought two far-right settlers from messianic far-right parties into his Cabinet — Itamar Ben-Gvir, a supporter of Meir Kahane, who has been convicted of incitement to racism and support for a terrorist organisation, but who was made Minister of National Security, controlling Israel’s security services and committed to an expansion of settlements in the West Bank, and Bezalel Smotrich, previously arrested on suspicion of planning a terrorist attack, who was made Minister of Finance, also with responsibilities for the West Bank, which he wants to annex in its entirety.

Both have played a major part in empowering the far-right religious settler community to believe in the erasure of the Palestinian presence from the whole of the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem), and both were regarded with considerable consternation by the west until the emergence of a sweeping post-October 7 amnesia, whereby, miraculously, Israel apparently became capable of doing no wrong.

I’ve also written previously about how I believe that the entrenchment of far-right opinions in the mainstream media, and, perhaps most particularly, the emergence in social media of the algorithmic prioritizing of outrage and anger, which is provoked and promoted above all else, and with black propaganda widespread and facts widely ignored, promoted Israel’s unparalleled descent into a bubble of genocidal fury. I think this is particularly true when it comes to the lies that were used to stir up murderous intent after October 7 — in particular, the lies that 40 beheaded babies were found in a kibbutz, and the lies that the Palestinian militants undertook mass rapes. The beheaded babies story is patently untrue, as only two babies were killed on October 7, and no evidence whatsoever has emerged to support the rape claims.

The revelations of Omer Bartov

However, to understand how Israeli society in general has been affected by the bubble of genocidal fury, we also need accounts from the ground within Israel, and for this a recent essay in the Guardian by Omer Bartov, a Jewish Israeli-American and a renowned scholar of genocide, is profoundly — and disturbingly — illuminating.

Living since 1989 in the US, where he is a university professor, Bartov returned to Israel in June this year — on his first visit since June 2023 — to find “a different country from the one I had known”, where, as he also described it, “I was born and raised”, with Israel also being “the place where my parents lived and are buried; [and] where my son has established his own family and most of my oldest and best friends live.”

Invited to give a lecture at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev (BGU) in Be’er Sheva, as part of an event about the worldwide campus protests against Israel, Bartov found the event boycotted by angry students, whom he and other participants eventually persuaded to take part in a two-hour open discussion about their grievances, which, he added, was neither “a friendly or ‘positive’ exchange of views.”

“Most of these young men and women”, he explained, “had recently returned from reserve service, during which they had been deployed in the Gaza Strip”, and while they “were not necessarily representative of the student body in Israel as a whole”, because they “were activists in extreme rightwing organisations”, he also found that,  “in many ways, what they were saying reflected a much more widespread sentiment in the country.”

As he proceeded to explain, shedding light on this “sentiment”, the October 7 attacks on Israel by Hamas and other militants “came as a tremendous shock to Israeli society, one from which it has not begun to recover.” This, in part, is because it “was the first time Israel has lost control of part of its territory for an extended period of time, with the IDF unable to prevent the massacre of more than 1,200 people — many killed in the cruellest ways imaginable — and the taking of well over 200 hostages, including scores of children.”

For clarification, Bartov’s figures slightly overestimate the death toll on October 7, which, as established via official Israeli figures in December, actually consisted of 1,068 Israelis and 71 foreigners, including 36 children and an untold number of Israelis killed by their own side to prevent their capture under what is known as the Hannibal Directive. It was nevertheless, of course, an appalling loss of life, although no justification whatsoever can be made for Israel engaging in an ongoing and apparently unending retaliation, in which, at the very least, almost 40 times as many Palestinians have now been killed as the number of Israelis killed on October 7, and, while the latter is fixed in time, and cannot be added to, the number of Palestinians killed seems to be an intensely flexible number in the minds of those directing the genocide, with no realistic upper limit.

In a particularly significant passage about the Israeli response to October 7, which I’m posting in its entirety, Bartov stated:

Today, across vast swaths of the Israeli public, including those who oppose the government, two sentiments reign supreme.

The first is a combination of rage and fear, a desire to re-establish security at any cost and a complete distrust of political solutions, negotiations and reconciliation. The military theorist Carl von Clausewitz noted that war was the extension of politics by other means, and warned that without a defined political objective it would lead to limitless destruction. The sentiment that now prevails in Israel similarly threatens to make war into its own end. In this view, politics is an obstacle to achieving goals rather than a means to limit destruction. This is a view that can only ultimately lead to self-annihilation.

The second reigning sentiment — or rather lack of sentiment — is the flipside of the first. It is the utter inability of Israeli society today to feel any empathy for the population of Gaza. The majority, it seems, do not even want to know what is happening in Gaza, and this desire is reflected in TV coverage. Israeli television news these days usually begins with reports on the funerals of soldiers, invariably described as heroes, fallen in the fighting in Gaza, followed by estimates of how many Hamas fighters were “liquidated.” References to Palestinian civilian deaths are rare and normally presented as part of enemy propaganda or as a cause for unwelcome international pressure. In the face of so much death, this deafening silence now seems like its own form of vengefulness.

Of course, the Israeli public long ago became inured to the brutal occupation that has characterised the country for 57 out of the 76 years of its existence. But the scale of what is being perpetrated in Gaza right now by the IDF is as unprecedented as the complete indifference of most Israelis to what is being done in their name. In 1982, hundreds of thousands of Israelis protested against the massacre of the Palestinian population in the refugee camps Sabra and Shatila in western Beirut by Maronite Christian militias, facilitated by the IDF. Today, this kind of response is inconceivable. The way people’s eyes glaze over whenever one mentions the suffering of Palestinian civilians, and the deaths of thousands of children and women and elderly people, is deeply unsettling.

Meeting my friends in Israel this time, I frequently felt that they were afraid that I might disrupt their grief, and that living out of the country I could not grasp their pain, anxiety, bewilderment and helplessness. Any suggestion that living in the country had numbed them to the pain of others — the pain that, after all, was being inflicted in their name — only produced a wall of silence, a retreat into themselves, or a quick change of subject. The impression that I got was consistent: we have no room in our hearts, we have no room in our thoughts, we do not want to speak about or to be shown what our own soldiers, our children or grandchildren, our brothers and sisters, are doing right now in Gaza. We must focus on ourselves, on our trauma, fear and anger.

In his exchange with the students at Ben-Gurion University, Bartov found them aggressive and emotional, and, crucially, unable to understand that they had “developed a way of thinking that I had observed many years ago when studying the conduct, worldview and self-perception of German army soldiers in the Second World War”, when, as he also explained, “even before their conscription, young German men had internalised core elements of Nazi ideology, especially the view that the subhuman Slav masses, led by insidious Bolshevik Jews, were threatening Germany and the rest of the civilised world with destruction, and that therefore Germany had the right and duty to create for itself a ‘living space’ [lebensraum] in the east and to decimate or enslave that region’s population.”

As he added, “This worldview was then further inculcated into the troops, so that by the time they marched into the Soviet Union they perceived their enemies through that prism. The fierce resistance put up by the Red Army only confirmed the need to utterly destroy Soviet soldiers and civilians alike, and most especially the Jews, who were seen as the main instigators of Bolshevism. The more destruction they wrought, the more fearful German troops became of the revenge they could expect if their enemies prevailed.”

As Bartov proceeded to explain, comparing the Nazi atrocities to those of Israel:

Having internalised certain views of the enemy — the Bolsheviks as Untermenschen; Hamas as human animals — and of the wider population as less than human and undeserving of rights, soldiers observing or perpetrating atrocities tend to ascribe them not to their own military, or to themselves, but to the enemy.

Thousands of children were killed? It’s the enemy’s fault. Our own children were killed? That is certainly the enemy’s fault. If Hamas carry out a massacre in a kibbutz, they are Nazis. If we drop 2,000-pound bombs on refugee shelters and kill hundreds of civilians, it’s Hamas’s fault for hiding close to these shelters. After what they did to us, we have no choice but to root them out. After what we did to them, we can only imagine what they would do to us if we don’t destroy them. We simply have no choice.

As Bartov also explained, “This is the logic of endless violence, a logic that allows one to destroy entire populations and to feel totally justified in doing so. It is a logic of victimhood — we must kill them before they kill us, as they did before — and nothing empowers violence more than a righteous sense of victimhood. Look at what happened to us in 1918, German soldiers said in 1942, recalling the propagandistic ‘stab-in-the-back’ myth, which attributed Germany’s catastrophic defeat in the First World War to Jewish and Communist treason. Look at what happened to us in the Holocaust, when we trusted that others would come to our rescue, IDF troops say in 2024, thereby giving themselves licence for indiscriminate destruction based on a false analogy between Hamas and the Nazis.”

Concluding his analysis of the students, Bartov found them “fearful and insecure and confused”, with some “likely also suffering from PTSD”, and feeling “betrayed by everyone around them.” He also found them “frightening and frightened at the same time”, adding that “their fear made them all the more aggressive”, and noted how the “level of menace” they exhibited “seemed to have generated fear and obsequiousness in their superiors, professors and administrators, who demonstrated great reluctance to discipline them in any way.”

Bartov also used his essay to announce that he had changed the position that he took in November last year, when he wrote for the New York Times that he saw “no proof that genocide is now taking place in Gaza, although it is very likely that war crimes, and even crimes against humanity, are happening”, and that there was still time “to warn of the potential for genocide before it occurs”, stating, with admirable clarity:

I no longer believe that. By the time I travelled to Israel, I had become convinced that at least since the attack by the IDF on Rafah on 6 May 2024, it was no longer possible to deny that Israel was engaged in systematic war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocidal actions. It was not just that this attack against the last concentration of Gazans — most of them displaced already several times by the IDF, which now once again pushed them to a so-called safe zone — demonstrated a total disregard of any humanitarian standards. It also clearly indicated that the ultimate goal of this entire undertaking from the very beginning had been to make the entire Gaza Strip uninhabitable, and to debilitate its population to such a degree that it would either die out or seek all possible options to flee the territory. In other words, the rhetoric spouted by Israeli leaders since 7 October was now being translated into reality — namely, as the 1948 UN Genocide Convention puts it, that Israel was acting “with intent to destroy, in whole or in part”, the Palestinian population in Gaza, “as such, by killing, causing serious harm, or inflicting conditions of life meant to bring about the group’s destruction.”

What of the west?

Bartov’s words demonstrate, unerringly, how the events of October 7 cannot be seen in isolation, but the other component of this story, involving the western countries who have provided unconditional support to Israel, also needs to be understood.

On this front, what stands out most clearly is the refusal of any western leaders, after October 7, to look outside Israel’s genocidal bubble, or to recognize that the Palestinian militants were responding, however horribly, to decades of occupation and repression and murders numbering in the tens of thousands, as well as to the thousands of Palestinian prisoners arbitrarily detained and held in lawless and horribly abusive prisons (for Palestinians only), for which some of the hostages seized on October 7 were meant to be exchanged, as has happened in the past.

In particular, the US government, under the sclerotic leadership of Joe Biden, bears an unparalleled responsibility for unquestioningly supporting Israel, as Biden’s decaying mind was fixated solely on vengeance, tormented by the evidence of photos of atrocities that didn’t exist, by his long and inexplicable friendship with the self-serving monster Netanyahu, and through evident anti-Palestinian animus, to provide Israel with as many weapons as it needed to kill as many Palestinians as possible.

In this he was joined, most noticeably, by the German government, the second-biggest supplier of weapons to Israel, which, through a twisted sense of guilt regarding the Holocaust, took such uncritical delight in helping Israel slaughter Palestinians that it could appear that what they actually delighted in was, specifically, helping to facilitate another genocide.

Other countries in the west have contributed less in the way of weapons, but their resolve to support Israel unquestioningly has also been unwavering, including, of course, the UK, which, over a hundred years ago, began the entire malignant Zionist experiment by allowing European Zionist settlers to violently colonise an already occupied land.

For those of us who, in our millions, despise the weakness of the international community for failing to hold Israel to account for its long oppression of the Palestinian people, and who believe that “never again” means “never again for everyone”, our leaders’ complete capitulation to a genocidal campaign in Gaza that was fully publicised from the very beginning are left bewildered as to quite where this indifference to genocide has come from, especially as, since the ICJ opinions and the threat of arrest warrants from the ICC, it should be abundantly clear that, sometime in the future, Israel will be judged to have engaged in a genocide, and all those who aided and abetted it may well be held to have been complicit.

We can’t really tell how much of the west’s response has been emotional — in a time when “outrage” and “feelings” have corroded the importance of facts and nuance across the whole of society — or how much it is because of a long-standing, but, until now, generally well-hidden enthusiasm for Israel as the last great European settler project, a reminder of our own glorious, centuries-long settler colonial projects, when untold millions of were slaughtered because they resisted our own occupations.

We also can’t tell quite how much it may involve corruption, as well-funded pro-Israeli groups capitalise on their investments in buying politicians and other people with power and influence over many decades.

What we do know, however, is that the politicians who are so unquestioningly supportive of Israel are out of step with the majority of the people they’re supposed to represent, that our mainstream media have, for the most part, capitulated to internal or external pressure to pump out persistently biased pro-Israeli content, and to sideline, belittle or silence Palestinian or pro-Palestinian voices, that our academic institutions and other workplaces have been cowed by the same violent hysteria that Omer Bartov discerned in Israel, and that our social media companies have engaged in outrageous censorship of voices that are, quite legitimately, furiously critical of Israel and its actions, and just as passionately defensive of the Palestinians’ right to exist.

Whilst all of us with any decency recognise the deadly, fraudulent basis of Israeli claims that the attacks on October 7 took place in a vacuum, and that one atrocity justifies another that is at least 40 times graver, we have still found no way of bringing to an end Israel’s historic “exceptionalism”, persistently defended by the west, and manifested, since October 8, in war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocidal actions that are undermining the basis of international humanitarian law like never before, and that are also leading to censorship and police violence in numerous western countries that are undermining the very nature of our democratic systems.

Constrained in our voting choices, threatened with being silenced or violently assaulted if we raise our voices, and powerless to end the charade of endlessly discussed ceasefire deals that never materialise because Israel wants its “war” to continue indefinitely, we must nevertheless continue to call for an end to this genocide, and for Israel to no longer be allowed to exercise its monstrous and unjustifiable “exceptionalism.”

Undermined like never before, our international bodies set up after the Second World War still need our support, and perhaps none more so than the International Court of Justice, which, just last month, in response to a a request from the UN General Assembly in 2022, long before the genocide in Gaza began, delivered a long-awaited ruling on the “Legal Consequences arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem.”

This was a devastating ruling, in which, as I described it at the time, the Court “condemned as illegal Israel’s presence, and its behaviour, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip) ever since they were first militarily occupied in 1967”, and ordered its complete withdrawal, as well as ordering other countries “not to recognize as legal the situation arising from the unlawful presence of the State of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by the continued presence of the State of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.”

If anything other than an all-encompassing depravity — in which those with the biggest bombs dictate how the world works — is to survive of the “rules-based order” and international humanitarian law, the ICJ’s ruling needs to be supported as resolutely as possible, as it absolutely shreds the entire basis of Israel’s ongoing and unforgivable subjugation of the Palestinians, up to and including the unspeakable horrors of the last 320 days.

* * * * *

Andy Worthington is a freelance investigative journalist, activist, author, photographer (of an ongoing photo-journalism project, ‘The State of London’), film-maker and singer-songwriter (the lead singer and main songwriter for the London-based band The Four Fathers, whose music is available via Bandcamp). He is the co-founder of the Close Guantánamo campaign (see the ongoing photo campaign here) and the successful We Stand With Shaker campaign of 2014-15, and the author of The Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison and of two other books: Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. He is also the co-director (with Polly Nash) of the documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (available on DVD here, or you can watch it online here, via the production company Spectacle, for £2.50).

In 2017, Andy became very involved in housing issues. He is the narrator of the documentary film, ‘Concrete Soldiers UK’, about the destruction of council estates, and the inspiring resistance of residents, he wrote a song ‘Grenfell’, in the aftermath of the entirely preventable fire in June 2017 that killed over 70 people, and, in 2018, he was part of the occupation of the Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford, to try to prevent its destruction — and that of 16 structurally sound council flats next door — by Lewisham Council and Peabody.

Since 2019, Andy has become increasingly involved in environmental activism, recognizing that climate change poses an unprecedented threat to life on earth, and that the window for change — requiring a severe reduction in the emission of all greenhouse gases, and the dismantling of our suicidal global capitalist system — is rapidly shrinking, as tipping points are reached that are occurring much quicker than even pessimistic climate scientists expected. You can read his articles about the climate crisis here.

To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to Andy’s RSS feed — and he can also be found on Facebook (and here), Twitter, Flickr and YouTube. Also see the six-part definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, The Complete Guantánamo Files, the definitive Guantánamo habeas list, the full military commissions list, and the chronological list of all Andy’s articles.

Please also consider joining the Close Guantánamo campaign, and, if you appreciate Andy’s work, feel free to make a donation.