Five More Prisoners Approved for Release from Guantánamo: 18 of the 39 Remaining Men Are Now Waiting to Be Freed


The five “forever prisoners” approved for release from Guantánamo by Periodic Review Boards in November and December 2021. From L to R: Suhayl al-Sharabi, Guled Hassan Duran, Moath al-Alwi, Omar al-Rammah and Mohammed Abdul Malik Bajabu.

Please support my work as a reader-funded journalist! I’m currently trying to raise $2500 (£2000) to support my writing and campaigning on Guantánamo and related issues over the next three months. If you can help, please click on the button below to donate via PayPal.


I wrote the following article for the “Close Guantánamo” website, which I established in January 2012, on the 10th anniversary of the opening of Guantánamo, with the US attorney Tom Wilner. Please join us — just an email address is required to be counted amongst those opposed to the ongoing existence of Guantánamo, and to receive updates of our activities by email.

In the run-up to the shameful 20th anniversary of the opening of the prison at Guantánamo Bay on January 11, I had the sneaking suspicion that President Biden would seek to divert attention from his general inaction on Guantánamo in his first year in office by announcing that more of the facility’s “forever prisoners” had been approved for release.

In his first year in office, President Biden released just one prisoner, even though he inherited six men approved for release from the previous administrations, but crucially, via the Periodic Review Boards, the review process established by President Obama, he has also now approved an additional 13 men for release — one-third of the remaining 39 prisoners — bringing to 18 the total number of men still held who the US government has conceded that it no longer wants to hold.

This is definitely progress — although it means nothing until the men in question are actually released — but it does show a willingness to move towards the prison’s closure, and also indicates that the administration has taken on board the criticism of numerous former officials, and, in particular, 24 Senators and 75 members of the House of Representatives, who wrote to President Biden last year to point out how unacceptable it is that the government continues to hold men indefinitely without charge or trial.

As all the critics explained, after 20 years, it is imperative that the men held are either charged or released. Finally, there has been a widespread acceptance — except from fanatical pro-Guantánamo Republicans — that there is a fundamental problem in trying to construct an argument that endorses holding men for the rest of their lives without ever even attempting to charge them with a crime.

Suhayl al-Sharabi

Of the five men approved for release, who are all in their 40s, two were approved for release on November 10, although those recommendations have only just been made public. The first, Suhayl al-Sharabi (ISN 569), a Yemeni, was seized in a house raid in Karachi, Pakistan on February 7, 2002, with 16 other men, who all ended up at Guantánamo, and have all, with one exception, been released. The exception is Sharqawi al-Hajj (ISN 1457), held and tortured in CIA “black sites” before his arrival at Guantánamo in September 2004, and while he was regarded as an al-Qaeda facilitator, he was approved for release by a PRB in June last year.

The allegations against al-Sharabi in his PRB in June (the first he took part in since his ongoing imprisonment was approved in 2016) suggested that he “trained in Afghanistan before 9/11,” that he “became a bodyguard for Usama bin Ladin” [sic] and also that he “may have been associated with an aborted 9/11-style hijacking plot in Southwest Asia that was led by al-Qa’ida external operations chief Khalid Shaykh Muhammad.”

It has, it should be noted, never been clearly established that he was a bodyguard for bin Laden, and the allegation about his involvement with a plot in Malaysia, which was previously brandished by the US authorities as some kind of damning fact, has clearly unraveled over the years, as it was only suggested that he “may have” taken part in it.

More significantly, what mattered in the PRB was that al-Sharabi expressed regret, and a desire for a peaceful life if released, and, although his own statement hasn’t been made publicly available, his Personal Representative (a military official chosen to represent him) explained to the board members that he “has expressed regret for what happened in the past and desires to be re-united with his family to lead a peaceful life, free of trouble,” adding, “Based on our interactions, I have not seen any indications that he is a continuing threat to the United States or its allies.”

The Personal Representative also noted that al-Sharabi understood that, if he were to be released, “the current situation would not be conducive to his return to Yemen,” and indicated that he “would like to go to Oman or [a] similar Arabic country,” where he would be “willing to support himself in whatever field becomes available.”

Guled Hassan Duran

The second man approved for release on November 10 was Guled Hassan Duran, identified by the US authorities as Guleed Hasan Ahmed (ISN 10023), a Somali, and one of the 14 “high-value detainees” who arrived at Guantánamo from CIA “black sites” in September 2006. His approval for release perhaps augurs well for the other “high-value detainees” who arrived at Guantánamo with him and who are still held without charge or trial, unlike the ten who have been charged (and one other who was sent to the US for trial). The others are Abu Zubaydah, the first victim of the CIA torture program, (ISN 10016) and Abu Faraj al-Libi (ISN 10017), about whom very little has been heard.

Duran’s arrival at Guantánamo was always inexplicable, as he had nothing to do with al-Qaeda and 9/11 (when he met Khalid Sheikh Mohammed in the “black sites,” apparently, KSM had no idea who he was). The US authorities, however, alleged that he was involved with al-Qaeda in East Africa. As his lawyers at the Center for Constitutional Rights explained, he “was seriously injured in a gun fight with gang members who were trying to steal his motorcycle in Mogadishu in December 2003, and was captured on March 4, 2004 when he was transiting through Djibouti on his way to Sudan for surgery.” As CCR also explained, “Throughout his CIA detention, interrogators withheld medical care to pressure him to cooperate, including to recruit him as a spy, and to agree to provide more information,” and he “was flown to several locations before arriving at Guantánamo in September 2006.” Crucially, he told his lawyers that “the FBI interrogated him shortly after he arrived, but he refused to answer any questions,” and “has not been interrogated by anyone since.”

Duran’s review — the first he took part in since 2016, when his ongoing imprisonment was approved — included a detailed submission from his lawyers, and, as they described it on their website, letters of support from relatives, as part of his “large and close-knit family and support network.” As they also explained, “He is one of seven children, and his brother and sisters speak fondly of their childhood together in Somalia and describe him as a family man who loves his wife and four children deeply and who suffers from being separated from them for so long.”

In a statement submitted for his PRB in July, Duran stated, “I do not have any ill-will toward the United States. I never have.” He also apologized for sometimes being non-compliant during his long imprisonment without charge or trial, but urged the board members to consider how “[i]t is very frustrating and demoralizing being held for so long when you have no idea when you will be released, and sometimes it boils over.”

He insisted, however, that “All I want is just to move on with my life. I want to be reunited with my wife and children. I have lost so much time with them, and it has been very difficult for everyone.” He added, “I am willing to be transferred anywhere, under any circumstances, where I can live a quiet life and eventually be reunited with my family. I want to get a job and support them the way I have not been able to for a very long time. I hope your decision will allow me to have a future beyond Guantánamo.”

Moath al-Alwi

The other three men were approved for release on December 27, and it’s a sign of the general invisibility of Guantánamo’s prisoners that only one of the five men approved for release who anyone may have heard of — outside of the small pool of dedicated Guantánamo-watchers — is Moath al-Alwi (aka Moaz al-Alawi), a Yemeni who sprang to prominence in “Ode to the Sea: Art from Guantánamo,” an exhibition at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York in 2017-18.

Al-Alwi, most noticeably, made astonishing models of sailing ships entirely out of scavenged, recycled materials, “including cardboard, old t-shirts, and parts of the plastic housing of shaving razors,” as his exhibition page explains, and this summer the largest of his ships, the aptly-named “Giant,” was featured in a video made for the New York Times. He also made furniture, and painted relief sculptures, and I posted some of his work in my article about a follow-up to the John Jay College exhibition at CUNY School of Law’s Sorensen Center for International Peace and Justice, in Long Island City, in January 2020. For more on al-Alwi’s talents at Guantánamo. see Chapter 22 of former prisoner Mansoor Adayfi’s compelling memoir, “Don’t Forget Us Here: Lost and Found at Guantánamo,” published last summer by Hachette Books, which records a brief period when prisoner art was allowed to flourish in the prison.

One of the extraordinary sculptures of ships made from recycled materials at Guantánamo by Moath al-Alwi, as featured in the art exhibition in New York, “Ode to the Sea: Art from Guantánamo,” in 2017-18.

As for why he is still languishing in Guantánamo, over 20 years since his arrival at the prison, on January 17, 2002 — and why he has only just been approved for release — no compelling reason is apparent. He was once regarded as a bodyguard for Osama bin Laden, but as the US government conceded in its profile of him for his PRB in October, although he was regarded as “an al-Qa’ida-affiliated fighter who spent time with Usama bin Ladin’s security detail,” he “probably was not one of his bodyguards.” The authorities also noted that, although he allegedly “developed relationships with many prominent extremists in Afghanistan and spent time with al-Qa’ida and Taliban fighters on the frontlines,” we “do not know whether he engaged directly in combat.”

Without any certainty regarding these allegations, then, it seems reasonable to assume that the authorities’ position regarding al-Alwi’s ongoing imprisonment— until last month — was based on a perception of his attitude since he has been held at Guantánamo, rather than on connections with al-Qaeda or the Taliban that are the supposed rationale for imprisonment at Guantánamo.

For many years, al-Alwi was a persistent hunger striker, weighing just 97 pounds at the time of his first PRB in September 2015, when, despite recognizing that he was, nevertheless, regarded as “compliant,” the board members judged him to have been “evasive and hostile in response to its questions as well as failing to acknowledge or accept responsibility for his prior actions.”

At a second review, in November 2016, his attorneys, Beth Jacob and Ramzi Kassem, pointed out to the board that he had given up his hunger strike, and also pointed out the widespread appreciation of his talents as an artist, but the board members nevertheless asserted that they were “unable to determine” whether he had “had a change in his extremist mindset due to his terse and vague responses to questions from Board members,” and also damned him for his “significant noncompliance” prior to July 2015. Another review took place in March 2018, when Donald Trump was in office, and, shamefully, the board members didn’t reach a decision for two years and seven months, and, when they did, it was only to approve his ongoing imprisonment in a terse five-line decision that provided no details whatsoever about their rationale.

Clearly, al-Alwi should have been approved for release many years ago, and it is to be hoped that a new home can be found for him as swiftly as possible, given the prohibition against repatriating any Yemeni prisoners. As his Personal Representative explained at his hearing in October, “Moath is passionate about art and hopes to continue his education and training to make this passion a career. His artwork has been showcased in numerous exhibits and evaluated by art critics and instructors who feel that Moath has a real talent and could make a living using this talent.”

As the Personal Representative also explained, “In addition to art projects, Moath spends his time cooking, attending class, and improving his English language skills. He is consistently listed amongst the most compliant currently in detention [and] has committed to attend any rehabilitation program that the Board directs. With the help and support from his family and his legal staff, I feel that Moath has a good support team which should ease his transfer and transition.”

Omar al-Rammah

The second prisoner approved for release on December 27 — an approval that was also long overdue — is Omar al-Rammah (ISN 1017), another Yemeni, whose real name is Zakaria, and who, it seems abundantly clear, should never have been brought to Guantánamo in the first place.

Al-Rammah, as I explained in my book The Guantánamo Files, published in 2007, was captured far from the battlefields of Afghanistan — in Georgia, formerly part of the Soviet Union, in April 2002, with an Algerian, Soufian al-Hawari (ISN 1016), who was freed in November 2008. After spending over a year in CIA “black sites,” al-Rammah arrived at Guantánamo in May 2003.

As al-Hawari explained in Guantánamo, “The Americans didn’t capture me. The [Russian] Mafia captured me. They sold me to the Americans … When I was captured, a car came around and people inside were talking Russian and Georgian … We were delivered to another group who spoke perfect Russian. They sold us to the dogs. The Americans came two days later with a briefcase full of money. They took us to a forest, then a private plane to Kabul.”

When asked who was with him, al-Hawari replied, “There were four of us. Myself, my friend Abdul Haq, a Yemeni guy named Zakaria [al-Rammah], and a Chech[en] driver, who was killed.” According to a Cageprisoners report, based on accounts provided by former prisoners, they were sold to the Americans for $100,000.

Al-Rammah has not spoken at Guantánamo in any publicly released records, but, according to reports from released prisoners, he was subjected to brutal treatment in the early days of the prison’s existence, even though the US authorities had no reason to suppose that he was anything more than a low-level facilitator working with Muslim freedom fighters in Chechnya.

His case was reviewed in July 2016, when Beth Jacob, who had recently become his attorney, explained, in what struck me as a heartbreaking account, that he had “not been able to make contact with his family since his arrival at Guantánamo,” and that his “last conversation with his mother was in 2002 from Georgia, when she told him to come home.” Despite all of the above, the board members approved his ongoing imprisonment a month later.

He had another review in February 2017, at which his Personal Representative noted that he was now in touch with his family, who are “highly educated and well traveled,” and who had “offered both the emotional and monetary support necessary for Zakaria’s transition.” The personal representative added that, “Since learning that Zakaria was still alive, they have had several family meetings and developed a thorough plan to include having a family member by Zakaria’s side, regardless of where he is transferred to. The initial plan is to have Zakaria’s mother by his side while other family members rotate bimonthly.” He was also described as “one of the better behaved detainees,” who “has had very few behavioral problems during his detention,” and “is described as calm and quiet by camp staff.”

Shamefully, as with Moath al-Alwi, the board members failed to deliver a swift verdict in al-Rammah’s case. Three years and eight months after his hearing, in October 2020, his ongoing imprisonment was upheld, and he then had to wait another year for the follow-up hearing that has finally approved him for release. As the board members stated, in making their determination they had “considered [his] low level of involvement with extremists prior to detention,” and the complete absence of “information indicating that [he] engaged in activities against the United States,” and also recognized the support of his family and his attorney. Refreshingly, they also recognized that, although there has been “an increase in incidents of non-compliance over the last couple of years,” the evidence suggested that this was “a result of stress,” and, sadly, “his deteriorating mental health.” I can only hope that a new home will be found for him as soon as possible.

Mohammed Abdul Malik Bajabu

The last of the three men approved for release on December 27 is another man whose rendition to Guantánamo in the first place — like Guled Hassan Duran and Omar al-Rammah — made no sense. Mohammed Abdul Malik Bajabu (ISN 10025) is a Kenyan, and a father of three, who was one of the last prisoners to arrive at Guantánamo, in March 2007. Although the Pentagon claimed at the time that he was a “dangerous terror suspect,” who had admitted to involvement in terrorist attacks, he is one of the few prisoners at Guantánamo who were not given a Combatant Status Review Tribunal, which is a pre-requisite to be put forward for a trial by military commission, suggesting that there was actually no case against him.

What actually happened, it seems clear from investigations by his lawyers at Reprieve, is that he was seized and badly beaten by Kenyan police, who, although they “apparently found no evidence linking [him] to any criminal activity … drove him to an airport and handed him, with no form of judicial process, to US military personnel.” From Kenya, as Reprieve explained, he was flown to Djibouti, “where he was detained in a shipping container on a US military base and told by interrogators that he was about to embark on a ‘long, long journey,’” and was then flown to Afghanistan, where he was held at Bagram “in appalling conditions,” and at a second prison, and was then flown to Guantánamo.

Reprieve made presentations on his behalf at his PRB in May 2016, but his ongoing imprisonment was approved a month later, with the board members convinced that he had “a close relationship with high-level operational planners and members of al-Qa’ida in East Africa,” and that he had been involved in “the November 2002 attacks in Mombasa, Kenya,” although they acknowledged that he had been “a highly compliant detainee,” who had “not expressed continued support for extremist activity or anti-US sentiments,” although he was “critical of US foreign policy.”

In July 2019, Bajabu, like the majority of prisoners under Donald Trump, boycotted his next hearing, having rightly concluded that the process had become a toothless sham, and it took until September 2021 for him to have another chance to persuade the board that there was no reason to hold him, at which he was finally successful.

His attorney, Mark Maher of Reprieve, certainly painted a compelling picture of his client as a man who should be freed. He pointed out that he is “among the most compliant detainees, a result of his devotion to peace and healing.” As he proceeded to explain, “Prior counsel has noted that he can quote from Mohandas Gandhi and Dr. Martin Luther King like teenagers quote Taylor Swift,” and he also noted that “[h]e practices meditation and yoga, and identified himself as a ‘healer’ — something he was doing long before his detention.”

As he also explained, “He is constantly reassuring others that everything will be alright. I have spoken to family members of his who have lost jobs, received troubling medical news, and experienced the loss of loved ones who have been buoyed by their family calls with Abdul Malik,” who is “patient, tolerant and empathetic,” and who, “While he has never downplayed the effects of his long incarceration … has always approached his situation positively, dispelling any negativity with humour and grace.”

The board members, subsequently making their determination to approve his release, did not reflect on his evidently positive attributes as a human being, but did note his “low level of training and lack of leadership role in his pre-detention activities,” his “compliance in detention,” and “the support available to him from family members and multiple NGOs if transferred,” and they also made a point of noting “the dissipation of the network of extremist associates with which he was previously involved.”

In conclusion, then, it is reassuring to hear about these five men being approved for release, but, as I stated at the start of the article, it will mean nothing if they are not actually freed. I must also note that it does nothing to address the insubstantial legal basis for imprisonment at Guantánamo, which the Biden administration seems to have no interest in addressing, as the Justice Department continues to defend the imprisonment of anyone unfortunate enough to try to secure their release through a court, leaving the non-binding administrative deliberations of the PRBs as the driver of Biden’s Guantánamo policy.

The five decisions above must also be set against another decision taken on December 27 — to approve the ongoing imprisonment of Khaled Qassim, another low-level foot soldier whose continued detention was justified by the board because of the perception that he has a bad attitude — but for now I won’t discuss his case any further, as it will be subject of a separate article to follow soon.

In parting, however, feel free to check out the live video of my song about Khaled, “Forever Prisoner,” recorded with my band The Four Fathers, which we released on the 20th anniversary of the prison’s opening.

* * * * *

Andy Worthington is a freelance investigative journalist, activist, author, photographer (of an ongoing photo-journalism project, ‘The State of London’), film-maker and singer-songwriter (the lead singer and main songwriter for the London-based band The Four Fathers, whose music is available via Bandcamp). He is the co-founder of the Close Guantánamo campaign (and see the latest photo campaign here) and the successful We Stand With Shaker campaign of 2014-15, and the author of The Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison and of two other books: Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. He is also the co-director (with Polly Nash) of the documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (available on DVD here, or you can watch it online here, via the production company Spectacle, for £2.50).

In 2017, Andy became very involved in housing issues. He is the narrator of the documentary film, ‘Concrete Soldiers UK’, about the destruction of council estates, and the inspiring resistance of residents, he wrote a song ‘Grenfell’, in the aftermath of the entirely preventable fire in June 2017 that killed over 70 people, and he also set up ‘No Social Cleansing in Lewisham’ as a focal point for resistance to estate destruction and the loss of community space in his home borough in south east London. For two months, from August to October 2018, he was part of the occupation of the Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford, to prevent its destruction — and that of 16 structurally sound council flats next door — by Lewisham Council and Peabody. Although the garden was violently evicted by bailiffs on October 29, 2018, and the trees were cut down on February 27, 2019, the struggle for housing justice — and against environmental destruction — continues.

To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to Andy’s RSS feed — and he can also be found on Facebook (and here), Twitter, Flickr and YouTube. Also see the six-part definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, The Complete Guantánamo Files, the definitive Guantánamo habeas list, the full military commissions list, and the chronological list of all Andy’s articles.

Please also consider joining the Close Guantánamo campaign, and, if you appreciate Andy’s work, feel free to make a donation.

9 Responses

  1. Andy Worthington says...

    When I posted this on Facebook, I wrote:

    Here’s my latest article, a detailed analysis of the stories of the five men who have recently been approved for release from Guantanamo by Periodic Review Boards (a review process set up under President Obama), which reveals, on the part of the US government, a total lack of justification for depriving them of their liberty for 20 years, without charge or trial, and, in some cases, makes it clear that they should never have been held by the US or brought to Guantánamo in the first place.

    The men in question include Moath al-Alwi, the talented Yemeni artist who became known to the outside world for making incredible sailing ships out of recycled materials, and who marked his 20th year in Guantanamo just two days ago, a Yemeni seized by Russians in Georgia in 2002 and sold to the US, and the sole Kenyan and Somali men in the prison.

    It’s great news that they’ve been approved for release, of course, but now President Biden needs to actually set them free, along with the other 13 men he is holding who have been approved for release by high-level government review processes.

  2. Andy Worthington says...

    Mark Parker wrote:

    The US is like Australia. Australia does this with genuine refugees.

    It’s policy for both main parties. That’s the problem and the country would be much better served voting for neither. Then they would have a minority government and independents or minor parties could demand changes in exchange for support to form a government.

    If politicians do the wrong thing it’s self harming to vote for them. People do though because they wrongly believe one or the other must be in power. Neither are what they once were nor worthy.

    There is a lot of money involved in both offshore and onshore detention. On Nauru it’s $4.3M per refugee per year that tax payers pay.

    A holiday apartment in San Moritz is $455au a night for 2. Hawaii is cheaper around $350 for 2 at a good resort hotel. Why spend $22,000 per night for 2 on Nauru or $6,000 a night for 2 at the Park detention hotel for something so horrific, and charge Australians to help perpetrate such unconscionable abuse.

    I’m sure any travel agent could happily sort that out within a week and save Australian tax payers millions of dollars of their tax, that is otherwise wasted each and every month. And the refugees would arrive at a place where they would be welcomed and treated with respect and courtesy by friendly people.

    It’s not that hard.

    This came up because Novak Djokovic was imprisoned with refugees. Novak for a few days, some refugees having served 9 years without breaking any law, having no charge, no Trial, no Jury and a never ending sentence. Truly pre Magna charter stuff. And they attracted the media swarming there surprised to see protesters already outside where Novak was to be held.

    The PM on radio and TV excused this by claiming they were not refugees, yet 25 or so are recognized as that, in another interview he denied saying they were not. But went on to say that one had been offered a place in the US and should take that up. Yet the young man we expect he was referring to, and had just turned 24, stated the offer was made in 2014 and he accepted it but was blocked from going. He was locked up in Nauru at age 15 by Australian immigration.

    Naturally government could just treat refugees with some degree of decency and give them Visas and freedom and welcome into the Australian community, and they could find jobs and work, have lots of friends, get married, raise families and enjoy freedom like every body else. But that’s not what immigration nor government do. The word nasty is inadequate to describe their abuse of power.

  3. Andy Worthington says...

    Thanks very much for your comments, Mark, which raise important points about how we are failed by our main political parties, who deal punitively with those fleeing unliveable conditions in search of refuge. In the US, of course, the situation on the southern border, regarding the treatment of refugees, is also a source of major concern, and in the UK, similarly, we have a government that is committed to passing new laws that will allow them to criminalise the very act of being a refugee, which, we can only hope, fall foul of our human rights obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights, and we also have a scandalously under-reported system of open-ended imprisonment for so-called ‘failed’ asylum seekers, as well as a regular flouting of the prohibition against ‘non-refoulement’, which involves the government chartering flights to send people back to countries where their lives are at risk.

    The treatment of refugees in Australia has long been a scandal to those paying attention, although clearly not enough people are actually doing so. The Australian model of ‘offshore’ processing for refugees is something that the British government regularly seeks to replicate, although its manifest cruelty is not easy to gloss over, and, again, attempts to implement it in the UK are likely to run into robust human rights challenges.

    It’s good that the detention conditions that Novak Djokovic created for himself through his anti-vax stance briefly shone a light on the conditions faced by refugees in Australia, but sadly I’m sure that the media have all now moved on to whatever else is apparently newsworthy, if they ever actually focused in the first place on who else was being held in immigration detention, and the conditions in which they are held, with their lives ruined, at immense cost, just to appease the most racist elements of society.

  4. Andy Worthington says...

    Thanks to everyone taking an interest in this important story of the five men recently approved for release from Guantanamo after 14 to 20 years of imprisonment. On Jan. 18, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which has made over 100 visits to Guantanamo since Jan. 18, 2002 (one week after the prison opened), and which “facilitates communication between detainees and their families through letters, phone calls and video links”, called for “accelerated efforts by the US government to transfer all of the detainees that it deemed eligible for transfer without further delay, and with due respect for their safety and opportunities for reintegration.”

    The ICRC stated that they were “gravely concerned that the remaining people held at Guantanamo Bay have been behind bars for so many years with little or no clarity as to what will happen to them”, and also noted that “some detainees remain in Guantanamo Bay today despite the fact they were deemed eligible for transfer more than ten years ago.”

    Patrick Hamilton, the ICRC’s head of delegation in the United States and Canada, said, “The detainees deemed eligible by the US government should be transferred today. After 20 years and well over 100 visits, we see that the more time passes for these detainees, the more they and their families suffer. The humanitarian rationale for enabling those to leave who are cleared to do so is obvious, and all the more so for those whose departures have been delayed for so long.”

  5. Andy Worthington says...

    Also of interest is this article for Politico by Lee Wolosky, who was Obama’s Special Envoy for Guantanamo Closure from 2015-17, and who describes the significant diplomatic efforts required by the Biden administration to find new homes for cleared prisoners who couldn’t be repatriated, a process that Biden was involved in as Obama’s VP.

    Wolosky neglects to mention some of the resettlement program’s failures (in particular, sending 23 men to the UAE, who were subsequently imprisoned by the Emirati authorities, instead of being freed), but he explains well the problems encountered because of cynical Republican opposition to Obama’s efforts to release prisoners and to attempt to close Guantanamo, and his article makes clear that Biden will need to devote more resources to the problems of prisoner resettlements if the men approved for release are actually to be freed.

  6. Release from Captivity ALL the Remaining Prisoners at Guantanamo Bay, by Daniel N. White – Dandelion Salad says...

    […] Five More Prisoners Approved for Release from Guantánamo: 18 of the 39 Remaining Men Are Now Waitin… […]

  7. Andy Worthington says...

    David Barrows wrote:

    Set them free!!!

  8. Andy Worthington says...

    Yes indeed, David. Good to hear from you.

  9. Andy Worthington says...

    For a Spanish version, on the World Can’t Wait’s Spanish website, see ‘Cinco prisioneros más son aprobados para liberación de Guantánamo: 18 de 39 quedan esperando salir libres’:

Leave a Reply

Back to the top

Back to home page

Andy Worthington

Investigative journalist, author, campaigner, commentator and public speaker. Recognized as an authority on Guantánamo and the “war on terror.” Co-founder, Close Guantánamo and We Stand With Shaker. Also, photo-journalist (The State of London), and singer and songwriter (The Four Fathers).
Email Andy Worthington

CD: Love and War

The Four Fathers on Bandcamp

The Guantánamo Files book cover

The Guantánamo Files

The Battle of the Beanfield book cover

The Battle of the Beanfield

Stonehenge: Celebration & Subversion book cover

Stonehenge: Celebration & Subversion

Outside The Law DVD cover

Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo


Posts & Comments

World Wide Web Consortium



Powered by WordPress

Designed by Josh King-Farlow

Please support Andy Worthington, independent journalist:


In Touch

Follow me on Facebook

Become a fan on Facebook

Subscribe to me on YouTubeSubscribe to me on YouTube

The State of London

The State of London. 16 photos of London

Andy's Flickr photos



Tag Cloud

Abu Zubaydah Al-Qaeda Andy Worthington British prisoners Center for Constitutional Rights CIA torture prisons Close Guantanamo Donald Trump Four Fathers Guantanamo Housing crisis Hunger strikes London Military Commission NHS NHS privatisation Periodic Review Boards Photos President Obama Reprieve Shaker Aamer The Four Fathers Torture UK austerity UK protest US courts Video We Stand With Shaker WikiLeaks Yemenis in Guantanamo