Saifullah Paracha, Pakistani Businessman and “Very Compliant” Prisoner, Faces Guantánamo Review Board


A photo of Guantanamo prisoner Saifullah Paracha, taken by representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross, and made available to his family.I wrote the following article — as “Guantánamo Review Board for Saifullah Paracha, Pakistani Businessman and ‘Very Compliant’ Prisoner, Kidnapped in Thailand in 2003” — for the “Close Guantánamo” website, which I established in January 2012, on the 10th anniversary of the opening of Guantánamo, with the US attorney Tom Wilner. Please join us — just an email address is required to be counted amongst those opposed to the ongoing existence of Guantánamo, and to receive updates of our activities by email.

Last week Saifullah Paracha, a Pakistani businessman, and, at 68 years of age, Guantánamo’s oldest current prisoner, became the 28th Guantánamo prisoner to have his potential release considered by a Periodic Review Board (see our full list here). This review process was set up in 2013 to review the cases of all the prisoners not facing trials (just ten men) or already approved for release by President Obama’s high-level, inter-agency Guantánamo Review Task Force in 2010, when almost two-thirds of the remaining prisoners — 156 out of 240 — were recommended for release, or, to use the task force’s careful wording, were “approved for transfer subject to appropriate security measures.”

Of the 28, five decisions have yet to be made, but of the 23 others the success rate for these men securing approval for their release is extremely high — 83% — with 19 men having their release recommended. What makes these decisions particularly important is that they puncture the rhetoric that has surrounded these men — both under George W. Bush, with the glib dismissal of everyone at Guantánamo as “the worst of the worst,” and under Barack Obama, with his task force’s conclusion (more worrying because of its veneer of authority) that 48 of those eligible for PRBs were “too dangerous to release,” even though it was also acknowledged that insufficient evidence existed to put them on trial; in other words, that it was not reliable evidence at all.

In attempting to justify its decisions, the task force noted that its members had relied on “the totality of available information — including credible information that might not be admissible in a criminal prosecution — [which] indicated that the detainee poses a high level of threat that cannot be mitigated sufficiently except through continued detention.”

The task force, however, also noted that one reason some of the 48 were recommended for ongoing detention was not because of anything they were alleged or thought to have done, but because they had “[e]xpressed recidivist intent,” meaning that, “while at Guantánamo,” they had “expressly stated or otherwise exhibited an intent to reengage in extremist activity upon release,” even though they might just have been responding with anger and threats to their long years of imprisonment without any acceptable form of due process, and their inhumane treatment in defiance of all accepted international norms.

When the PRBs finally began in November 2013, almost four years after the task force delivered its recommendations, and almost three years after President Obama explicitly authorized the ongoing imprisonment of the 48, via an executive order, while guaranteeing them reviews that, he promised, would take place within a year, two of the men had died, and 25 others had been added to those eligible for reviews.

These 25 men were originally recommended for prosecution by the task force, but their ability to be prosecuted had collapsed when, in a number of crucial rulings, the appeals court in Washington, D.C., a generally quite Conservative establishment, had struck down some of the few convictions achieved in the military commission trial system, on the basis that the war crimes in question had actually been invented by Congress.

Of the 28 men whose cases have so far been considered by the PRBs, all but three were assigned to the “too dangerous to release” category by the task force in 2010. Only one man previously recommended for prosecution, Tariq al-Sawah, an Egyptian, has had a decision taken on his case, and this was a recommendation for release, last February, that led to his transfer to a new life in Bosnia in January.

The other two are Suhayl al-Sharabi (ISN 569), reviewed on March 1, and Saifullah Paracha (ISN 1094), reviewed on March 8 — and a 29th man, Sharqawi Abdu Ali Al-Hajj (ISN 1457), another Yemeni, whose case I will be writing about very soon, was reviewed on March 15. Observers are watching these cases closely, as President Obama’s intention to close Guantánamo before he leaves office depends, in part, on the number of prisoners still imprisoned after all those approved for release have been transferred, and as yet it is too early to tell how many of those still facing PRBs will succeed in convincing the review boards — made up of representatives of the Departments of State, Defense, Justice and Homeland Security, as well as the office of the Director of National Intelligence and the Office of the Joint Chiefs of Staff — that it is safe and appropriate to recommend their release.

35 men are still awaiting reviews, and 19 of them are men initially recommended for prosecution. Forthcoming, in this latter category, are reviews for Obaidullah (ISN 762), an Afghan, in April, Abdul Zahir (ISN 753), another Afghan, and Sanad al-Kazimi (ISN 1453), a Yemeni, in May, Mohamedou Ould Slahi (ISN 760), a Mauritanian and a best-selling author, in June, and Mohammed al-Qahtani (ISN 063), allegedly intended to be the 20th hijacker for the 9/11 attacks, in July (both Slahi and al-Qahtani were subjected to specific torture programs at Guantánamo). Another four men — in the “too dangerous to release” category — also have reviews scheduled: Uthman Abd al-Rahim Muhammad Uthman (ISN 027) and Said Salih Said Nashir (ISN 841), both Yemenis, in April, and Bostan Karim (ISN 975), an Afghan, and Shawqi Awad Balzuhair (ISN 838), another Yemeni, in May.

Saifullah Paracha’s Periodic Review Board

A successful businessman, with extensive business dealings in the US, where he lived for 16 years, Paracha has always been an unlikely terrorist sympathiser, as I first explained nearly ten years ago in my book The Guantánamo Files, where I wrote:

Saifullah Paracha, a 55-year old businessman and philanthropist from Karachi, was arrested after flying into Bangkok for a business trip on 5 July 2003 [in a US-led sting operation]. Rendered to Afghanistan, he spent 14 months in Bagram and was then flown to Guantánamo on 20 September 2004. A graduate in computer science from the New York Institute of Technology, he acknowledged that he had met Osama bin Laden twice, at meetings of businessmen and religious leaders in 1999 and 2000, but denied the allegations against him, which included making investments for al-Qaeda members, translating statements for bin Laden, joining in a plot to smuggle explosives into the US and recommending that nuclear weapons be used against US soldiers. These were indeed wild accusations for anyone familiar with his story. Deeply impressed by all things American, he had lived in the US in the 1980s, running several small businesses, and after returning to Pakistan had made a fortune running a clothes exporting business in partnership with a New York-based Jewish entrepreneur (an unthinkable association for someone who was actually involved with al-Qaeda).

His case is inextricably tied to that of his 23-year old son Uzair, the eldest of his four children, who was detained in New York, where he was marketing apartments to the Pakistani community, four months earlier. Arrested by FBI agents, Uzair was accused of working with [the “high-value detainees”] Ammar al-Baluchi and Majid Khan … to provide false documents to help Khan enter the US to carry out attacks on petrol stations, and was convicted in a US court in November 2005 – even though he said that he was coerced into making a false confession, and both Khan and al-Baluchi made statements that neither Uzair nor his father had ever knowingly aided al-Qaeda – and was sentenced to 30 years’ imprisonment in July 2006. His father remains in Guantánamo, where, although he has heart problems, he has refused to undertake an operation because he does not trust the prison’s surgeons.

I also wrote more about Saifullah and Uzair Paracha in an article in July 2007, entitled Guantánamo’s tangled web: Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Majid Khan, dubious US convictions, and a dying man.

Nevertheless, the US authorities maintain that, as described in the unclassified summary of evidence for Saifullah Paracha’s PRB, he was a “facilitator on behalf of al-Qa’ida senior leaders and operational planners,” who, as well as meeting Osama bin Laden, “later worked with external operations chief Khalid Shaykh Muhammad (KU-10024) to facilitate financial transactions and to develop media.”

Writing of the supposed US plot that led to his son’s conviction, the authorities claimed that father and son “tried to help an al-Qa’ida operative travel to the US,” and also claimed that Saifullah Paracha “offered operational suggestions to al-Qa’ida, including advice on how to smuggle explosives into the US that al-Qa’ida planners probably did not take seriously.”

The authorities also noted how Paracha has been a model prisoner in Guantánamo. “Since his arrival at Guantánamo,” they stated unambiguously, “Paracha has shown no indication of extremist sympathies in his interrogations, interactions with other detainees and guard staff.” They added that “he also has shown no remorse for having worked with al-Qa’ida before his detention,” although, as his civilian lawyer, David Remes, explained to the review board, he “cannot show ‘remorse’ for things he maintains he never did.”

The authorities also noted that he “regularly participated in interrogations until early 2015 and has offered some information about al-Qa’ida operatives but generally has avoided incriminating himself or Uzair, his son.” It was acknowledged that he “continues to deny that he knew of any al-Qa’ida plotting,” but the authorities added that he “claims he undertook his terrorist activities for profit rather than out of loyalty to the group,” a claim I have not previously heard.

Turning to his behavior in US custody, the authorities noted that, “While in Guantánamo, Paracha has been very compliant with the detention staff and espouses moderate views and acceptance of Western norms. He has focused on improving cell block conditions and helping some detainees improve their English-language and business skills.”

Finally, the authorities noted that, if he were to be recommended for release, he “has expressed interest in returning to the US” or Pakistan, where he “probably would resume running the family businesses and would seek out opportunities to begin new ventures.” It was also claimed that he had “extensive extremist business contacts established before his detention, including members of the Taliban and Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, “could provide him opportunities to reengage in extremist activity should he choose to do so.”

Writing about his experience before the review board, the Associated Press noted that Paracha “wore the white prison uniform reserved for the prisoners considered the most compliant, as he testified from a trailer on the base before the board, whose members gather in the Washington DC area.”

The AP also noted that, before the hearing, David Remes said that Paracha “was hopeful because the board is supposed to focus on whether the prisoner would pose a threat to the US in the future, and not any alleged past conduct.”

Remes said, “He’s a 68-year-old man. He has a serious heart problem. He has severe diabetes. This is not the man who was seized 14 years ago. The board has to make a fresh assessment.” Remes added that his client “has been a tremendously positive influence on his fellow detainees.”

In the Miami Herald, Carol Rosenberg made mention of Paracha’s long-standing health problems, noting that he “has a long-standing heart condition, and in 2007 used his habeas corpus petition to seek treatment in the United States rather than in remote Cuba. He lost the bid and at one point the Defense Department airlifted a mobile catheterization lab and 21-member team to the outpost to offer a procedure that Paracha ultimately refused.”

Rosenberg also noted that he “also helped five Yemeni detainees design a so-called Milk & Honey farm, a prospectus for an imaginary, utopian self-sufficient collective drawn up in 2014 at Guantánamo’s communal prison to demonstrate a vision of life after detention,” which several of the Yemenis have used in their PRBs.

Rosenberg also noted that Paracha has “a somewhat prominent role” in the so-called Senate Intelligence Committee’s highly critical report into the CIA’s torture program, of which the executive summary was published in December 2014. Rosenberg stated that the report “devotes a section to the ‘identification and arrests’ of Saifullah Paracha and his son” as well as Ali al-Marri, a US resident held as an “enemy combatant” on US soil under George W. Bush, and Majid Khan.

Rosenberg noted that Saifullah Paracha in particular “figures in a debate on whether the CIA really needed to use enhanced interrogation techniques to identify him as a suspect,” and reveals that the Senate report “also shows the CIA in May 2003 eager to capture and interrogate Paracha ‘with alacrity,’ something that did not happen.” She also noted that it “casts doubt on CIA suspicions that the Parachas were trying to smuggle explosives into the United States, noting ‘the relative ease of acquiring explosive material in the United States.'”

Below are the opening statements made by Paracha’s personal representatives (military personnel appointed to represent him) and by David Remes. The representatives made note of his “calm demeanor,” his lack of “ill will or anger” towards the US, and his desire only to be reunited with his family, while Remes spoke extensively about his role as a “model detainee” and positive influence on many younger prisoners, explaining how he encouraged them to accept lawyers after they were granted habeas corpus rights in 2004 and to take part in the PRBs,  and how he “discourages conflict and calms detainees when they are agitated,” and “promotes harmony among religions.”

Periodic Review Board Initial Hearing, 08 Mar 2016
Saifullah Abdullah Paracha, ISN 1094
Personal Representative Opening Statement

Good morning, we are the Personal Representatives for Saifullah Abdullah Paracha, a 68 year-old man who has always been an exemplary detainee, evident in both his behavior for fellow detainees and towards the administration.

As the Personal Representatives for Saifullah, we can account that he has attended every meeting, been prepared and readily willing to participate throughout this process. In addition, he has persuaded other detainees to participate in the PRB process in order to sagaciously participate in their own PRB allowing a better process. He has a calm demeanor. His consistent character demonstrates he will remain the same peaceful and stable person outside of GTMO.

Saifullah would be the first to tell you that he has no problem with the United States. His ability to speak both English and Urdu has enabled him to teach other detainees as well as be a mediator between fellow Urdu speaking detainees allowing communications in a closed off community. As one of the oldest detainees in Guantánamo, many of his peers look to him for guidance and even consider Saifullah a father figure. He hopes that his transfer from Guantánamo will make up for the lost years of his life. Saifullah wants nothing more than to return to his loving wife and children. He is willing to be transferred to any country in order to move on with his life.

Saifullah was an extremely successful businessman and once he is transferred, he wants to continue his business. He has the skill set and talent to be successful in whatever country he is repatriated. Additionally, his family is ready to supply support wherever this may be, although they would like him to return to Pakistan to be the head-of-household for both his wife and kids, who will rely on him.

Saifullah has not expressed any ill will or anger about his detention at Guantánamo. He has denounced terrorist acts and organizations. Saifullah hopes today that you will find he is not a threat to the U.S. by answering your questions so he can return home.

Periodic Review Board Initial Hearing, 08 Mar 2016
Saifullah Abdullah Paracha, ISN 1094
Opening Statement of Private Counsel David H. Remes

Good morning. I am David Remes, private counsel for Saifullah Abdullah Paracha. Mr. Paracha is a citizen of Pakistan. At 68, he is the oldest remaining Guantánamo detainee. I have represented him since 2005 and speak frequently with his family in Pakistan and America.

Mr. Paracha respectfully asks that the Board recommend him for transfer. He wishes to be brought either to Pakistan or America. In Pakistan, he will reunite with his wife of 36 years, and their two daughters and large extended family, rebuild his businesses and build new ones, and live a normal peaceful life. In America, he and his wife will live normal lives among their large contingent of relatives here, who include one of his brothers, one of his sisters, his two sons, and 22 nieces and nephews.

Wherever he goes, Mr. Paracha, who suffers from chronic medical conditions, will require medical observation and care.

Mr. Paracha is certainly well prepared for life in America or any other English-speaking country. He lived in the U.S. from 1970 to 1986 and married here. Born into extreme poverty in a remote Punjab village in 1947, he came to America when he was 24 and became a successful businessman. He owned travel agencies which facilitated travel between the U.S. and Pakistan, and he produced a weekly television program for the Pakistani population in New Jersey.

When Mr. Paracha returned to Pakistan in 1986, he and an American partner established an export-import business, which acted as a buying agent in Pakistan for American retail giants, such as Wal-Mart and K-Mart, placing orders for garments and other merchandise made in Pakistan. Mr. Paracha also set up a television production company, which produced plays and programs designed to promote religious harmony.

Mr. Paracha is fluent in English and avidly follows the news in the English-language news media. Mr. Paracha does not speak Arabic. He often beats me to the punch when we discuss political or economic developments here and abroad. Mr. Paracha also has faith that the United States can play a constructive role in world affairs. Among the items we submitted to the Board are pre-9/11 letters that he wrote to President George W. Bush and former President George H.W. Bush proposing ways to bridge the divide between the Western and Arab worlds.

Mr. Paracha is and has always been a model detainee. He has always been held in quarters reserved for the most compliant detainees. Remarkably, he has stayed cheerful and upbeat despite his unfortunate circumstances. Guards and camp officials enjoy his company, and he always talked freely and openly with his interrogators. Of course, Mr. Paracha cannot show “remorse” for things he maintains he never did.

Mr. Paracha has been an enormously positive influence on other detainees. Other detainees call him “Uncle,” a term of great respect for male elders, and seek out his advice. Wise and understanding, he discourages conflict and calms detainees when they are agitated. He promotes harmony among religions. He taught classes in business administration and English. Once, when other facilities were unavailable, he set up class in a cell.

Mr. Paracha also counseled cooperation with the government in the judicial and administrative review process. When the Supreme Court in 2004 gave detainees the green light to pursue habeas corpus cases, Mr. Paracha urged his fellows to accept help from the American lawyers. When the Periodic Review Board opened for business in July 2013, he urged them to participate in the process.

Saifullah Paracha harbors no animosity to the U.S. On the contrary, he has many family members here and is willing to be resettled here. Once, when asked if he is half-Pakistani and half-American, he replied that he is entirely Pakistani and entirely American. Nor does Mr. Paracha have any sympathy for terrorism or radical Islam. On the contrary, he has publicly denounced terrorism as un-Islamic and will continue to speak against it, wherever he is sent.

Model detainee. Mentor to younger detainees. Counselor of tolerance, understanding, and cooperation. Paterfamilias of a great extended family, with members in Pakistan and America. A man at home in the U.S. and at ease with Western culture and ways. A man who opposes and denounces violent extremism. This man, Saifullah Paracha, is no threat to the United States, and the Board should recommend him for transfer.

Thank you.

Andy Worthington is a freelance investigative journalist, activist, author, photographer, film-maker and singer-songwriter (the lead singer and main songwriter for the London-based band The Four Fathers, whose debut album, ‘Love and War,’ is available for download or on CD via Bandcamp — also see here). He is the co-founder of the Close Guantánamo campaign (and the Countdown to Close Guantánamo initiative, launched in January 2016), the co-director of We Stand With Shaker, which called for the release from Guantánamo of Shaker Aamer, the last British resident in the prison (finally freed on October 30, 2015), and the author of The Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison (published by Pluto Press, distributed by the University of Chicago Press in the US, and available from Amazon, including a Kindle edition — click on the following for the US and the UK) and of two other books: Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. He is also the co-director (with Polly Nash) of the documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (available on DVD here — or here for the US).

To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to Andy’s RSS feed — and he can also be found on Facebook (and here), Twitter, Flickr and YouTube. Also see the six-part definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, and The Complete Guantánamo Files, an ongoing, 70-part, million-word series drawing on files released by WikiLeaks in April 2011. Also see the definitive Guantánamo habeas list, the full military commissions list, and the chronological list of all Andy’s articles.

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14 Responses

  1. Andy Worthington says...

    When I posted this on Facebook, I wrote:

    Here’s my latest article, cross-posted from Close Guantanamo, looking at the 28th ‪Guantanamo‬ prisoner to have his case considered by a Periodic Review Board: Saifullah Paracha, a 68-year old Pakistani businessman, who lived in the US for 16 years, but was kidnapped in Thailand on 2003 and accused of working with Al-Qaeda on US plots – claims which he denies. We will have to wait and see what the PRB decides. To date, however, 19 out of 23 cases decided have led to recommendations for the prisoners’ release – a success rate of 83%.

  2. Andy Worthington says...

    After I posted this on Close Guantanamo two days ago, I also updated the definitive Periodic Review Board list, reflecting recent reviews and decisions, and the scheduling of more PRBs in the coming months – nine so far:

  3. Andy Worthington says...

    I also updated the definitive list of all the prisoners still held (91 in total, 36 approved for release):

  4. Andy Worthington says...

    Michael Dean wrote:

    “They told us this was one of the world’s worst terrorists, and he got the sentence of a drunken driver,” said Ben Wizner, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union, referring to David Hicks, a 31-year-old Australian who in a plea bargain with a US military court will serve nine months in prison, largely in Australia. That’s after five years at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba without being charged with a crime, without a trial, without a conviction. Under the deal, Hicks agreed not to talk to reporters for one year (a slap in the face of free speech), to forever waive any profit from telling his story (a slap – mon Dieu! – in the face of free enterprise), to submit to US interrogation and testify at future US trials or international tribunals (an open invitation to the US government to hound the young man for the rest of his life), to renounce any claims of mistreatment or unlawful detention (a requirement which would be unconstitutional in a civilian US court).

    “If the United States were not ashamed of its conduct, it wouldn’t hide behind a gag order,” said Wizner.
    via William Blum

  5. Andy Worthington says...

    Thanks, Michael, for that eloquent reminder of the long-standing injustices of Guantanamo. And yet here we are still, nine years after David Hicks’ plea deal, and the place is still open and still supporting innuendo over facts and charges.

  6. Andy Worthington says...

    Saleyha Ahsan wrote:

    His story is pretty disturbing and he is 68! This is awful – going to read

  7. Andy Worthington says...

    Good to hear from you, Saleyha. I’m interested to see what you think. I don’t think the truth has ever been clear in Saifullah Paracha’s case one or another – but that’s like so many Guantanamo stories, of course, and a resounding reason why, if you’re going to deprive people of their liberty, you shouldn’t do it like the US did from – mostly – 2001-03, when almost everyone held at Guantanamo was seized.

  8. Shahid Mirza says...

    This man is not guilty, never has been and never will be.
    His faith is immensely strong and that has been his surviving factor against all odds.
    He is a moderate all over and it is a tragedy of the highest order that his captors haven’t been able to read or see this and use this mans influence in a positive manner. He has charisma, character, personality, faith and impact.
    …… and his greatest attributes are his honesty, decency, and absence of enmity – a forgiving man who should be immediately released with unreserved apology.

  9. Andy Worthington says...

    Thanks for your vigorous defense of Saifullah Paracha, Shahid. I admit that when I researched his story ten years ago I thought the US had mistaken meeting Osama bin Laden twice at functions in Pakistan with being a member of Al-Qaeda, and I find everything about Paracha’s behavior at Guantanamo, and his extensive support of those of his fellow prisoners in need of support, including encouraging them to take part in the various review processes over the years, to indicate that he is not an opponent of the US at all. However, it is difficult to completely dismiss the US’s case against him, given his son’s successful prosecution and his alleged involvement with Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and Majid Khan. That said, so much of the alleged case is derived from KSM’s interrogations, and it is always worth remembering how much KSM was tortured, and how much he lied, having basically admitted to being involved with an implausibly long roll-call of plots in his Combatant Status Review Tribunal at Guantanamo in 2007. This whole story, involving Saifullah and Uzair Paracha, KSM, Majid Khan, Ammar al-Baluchi (another “high-value detainee” and KSM’s nephew, aka Ali Abd Al-Aziz Ali), Aafia Siddiqui (mentioned in Saifullah’s files released by WikiLeaks in 2011), and Sajid Badat [aka Saajid Badat] from the UK, who later avoided a prison sentence by becoming an informant, on whose testimony the US and UK continue to rely heavily, is obviously a much bigger story – or non-story, even – than it was when I first wrote about it back in 2007, in “Guantánamo’s tangled web: Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Majid Khan, dubious US convictions, and a dying man”:
    Human Rights First has undertaken a useful analysis of what the Senate Torture Report has to say about the Parachas and related individuals:
    While searching online for articles about Paracha, I also came across an interesting article from Dawn, in July 2011, “Saifullah Paracha’s continued detention at Gitmo a mystery”, suggesting that he was to have been released, and that no explanation was provided for why he wasn’t:

  10. Martin says...

    Saifullah Paracha has been denied transfer. His lack of remorse did not help and that shows in the PRB statement. The prosecution detainees are going to have a much tougher time being released due to the “nature” of their alleged offenses. The “forever” prisoners have been easier because the majority of them have NOT been accused of anything or they were later cleared of involvement in alleged plots.

    What helped Tariq Sawah was his candor and of course his health status.

  11. Martin says...

  12. Andy Worthington says...

    Yes, and in al-Sawah’s case he was also regarded as a useful informant, Martin, which made a mockery of his ongoing imprisonment – as is the case with Mohamedou Ould Slahi. If informants receive such treatment, why should anyone with any knowledge that would be useful to the US either help or trust them?

  13. Andy Worthington says...

    I do take on board your comments about those originally scheduled for prosecutions, Martin, and it makes me uncomfortable, as we seem to be reaching a point where it will be normal to regard some of these men as eligible for imprisonment forever, which I find completely unacceptable. If they can be tried, they should be; otherwise, they are detained under the laws of the war, and should eventually be able to argue that hostilities are over and they must be released.

  14. Andy Worthington says...

    I only updated the information this evening, Martin, after hearing about it in the news.

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Andy Worthington

Investigative journalist, author, campaigner, commentator and public speaker. Recognized as an authority on Guantánamo and the “war on terror.” Co-founder, Close Guantánamo and We Stand With Shaker. Also, photo-journalist (The State of London), and singer and songwriter (The Four Fathers).
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