Yesterday, the publication of the final report of the Baha Mousa Inquiry demonstrated that, occasionally, when something truly monstrous has occurred, the British government can do the right thing, and hold a proper inquiry.
Baha Mousa, a hotel receptionist in Basra, Iraq, was killed by British soldiers in September 2003, his brutalized body bearing 93 separate injuries, after two days of what the judge in the three-year inquiry, Sir William Gage, described as “serious, gratuitous violence” that leaves “a very great stain on the reputation of the Army.”
As the Independent explained in an editorial today, the report is “damning.” The judge found that the “savagery meted out to Mr. Mousa and fellow detainees in Basra in 2003 were not the actions of a few ‘bad apples,'” but were, instead, “the result of systemic, ‘corporate’ failures that meant neither the abusive soldiers, nor their superiors, were aware that forcing detainees to wear hoods and adopt excruciating stress positions contravened both British law and the Geneva Convention.”
The Independent noted, “That any British soldier is unclear about what constitutes torture is disgraceful enough. That there were others who saw what was happening and allowed it to continue is truly shameful.”
In response, Liam Fox, the Secretary of State for Defence, “accepted the vast majority of Sir William’s recommendations, which includes “a total ban on the use of techniques such as hooding, the creation of an independent inspection regime for military detention centres, and an overhaul of soldiers’ training for handling civilian detainees.”
This is appropriate, of course, but the obvious problem that can easily be overlooked is that hooding — and the use of stress positions — were illegal when British soldiers arrived in Basra, having been outlawed by the government of Ted Heath in 1972, following the abuse of IRA prisoners in Northern Ireland.
Phil Shiner, a human rights lawyer who has been involved in seeking accountability for the torture, abuse and murder of prisoners in Iraq, remains deeply concerned abut the use of banned techniques. Speaking to the BBC, he said, “How did it come about that intelligence units were using techniques that were banned in the 1970s — food and water deprivation, stress positions, hooding and the use of noise?”
The BBC noted that, during the inquiry, it emerged that, apparently, “the ban was never made explicit in British army guidance on prisoner of war handling.” The BBC added, “A four-star general was not aware of the Heath ruling. Nor was Adam Ingram, the former armed forces minister.”
If this seems incredible, I’d suggest that it is, and would also suggest that, for those interested in the truth, what is glaringly obvious is that the torture and abuse inflicted on Iraqi prisoners by British soldiers exactly mirrored what the US military was doing, because the British had, by joining the Americans in Iraq, also fallen under the sway of the Bush administration, and defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld, who had been responsible for implementing exactly the same techniques used by the British in their own prisons — most notoriously, in Abu Ghraib.
In 2005, the Intelligence and Security Committee produced a report, “The Handling of Detainees by UK Intelligence Personnel in Afghanistan, Guantanamo Bay and Iraq” (PDF) which claimed that, “Whilst the UK co-operates with the US both against terrorism and in Iraq, each country has significantly different rules governing the handling, detention, interrogation and classification of prisoners of war, detainees and internees.” The report claimed that “The UK rules governing detention and interrogation … accord with the Geneva Conventions and the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,” but as this was so horribly contradicted by the actions of UK troops in Iraq, and as the inquiry did not fall for the “few bad apples” scenario favoured by the Bush administration, the Committee’s findings do nothing to contradict the assumption that the techniques used by the British — or, perhaps more accurately, the absence of restraints on their behaviour — had come, whether directly or indirectly, from the Americans.
In addition, as Phil Shiner reported yesterday in the Guardian, after explaining, “I act for over 150 other Iraqis in a court of appeal case where the judgment is due next month on our argument that there must be a single inquiry into the UK’s detention policy in Iraq,” the pattern of abuse was so widespread throughout UK forces in Iraq that there must be further investigations. As he stated, the cases “span the period of March 2003 to December 2008, involve at least 14 different UK facilities and implicate numerous battle groups,” and the allegations “are shocking and involve a range of techniques and practices which were simply not on Sir William’s radar: unbelievably debased sexual behaviour, mock executions, vicious threats of rape of detainees’ female relatives, and systematic use of hooding, sleep deprivation, sensory deprivation, temperature manipulation and solitary confinement for weeks” — all, again, the types of torture and abuse used by US forces.
In Britain, to date, only one former soldier, Cpl. Donald Payne, has been prosecuted and imprisoned for his role in the murder of Baha Mousa. At a court martial in 2007, he “became Britain’s first war criminal,” as the BBC put it, “when he pleaded guilty to inhumane treatment, and was given a one-year sentence. The BBC also toed that he was “the only person to be punished for what happened to Baha Mousa,” although “he told the inquiry that all members of the unit guarding the detainees had kicked and punched them, including an officer.”
As the BBC also explained, “The inquiry heard that Payne had conducted a ‘choir’ of the screams of the detainees.” Former soldier Gareth Aspinall said, “Towards the end of the second day they were all in so much pain that he only had to poke them to get them to make a noise. Cpl. Payne found this funny and when visitors came across they also found it funny.”
In the US, a handful of personnel at Abu Ghraib were blamed for the abuse that was revealed in April 2004, and were subsequently tried, sentenced and imprisoned. In America, however, the Bush administration got away with blaming the abuse on “a few bad apples,” and every branch of the US government has, to date, failed to hold anyone accountable for the 100 or more murders in US custody in Iraq that have never been adequately investigated. The only investigation relating to Iraq that remains open concerns the murder in Abu Ghraib of Manadel al-Jamadi, as was revealed in July, when it also became clear that this investigation — and another involving the death of a prisoner in Afghanistan — were all that was left of the persistent calls by NGOs, lawyers and activists for accountability for those involved in the torture and murder of prisoners in the “war on terror.”
The moral extension of accountability for murders in military custody from the UK to the US is, for me, the most significant knock-on effect of the Baha Mousa Inquiry, although, in closing, I should also note that it ought to show David Cameron what a proper inquiry looks like, as he prepares to push ahead with his whitewash of the security services in his proposed inquiry into British complicity in torture abroad in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, as I have explained before, most recently last month, when ten NGOs, including Amnesty International, Liberty and Reprieve, shredded the supposed validity of the inquiry by refusing to take part in it. As I explained at the time:
I hope that the government will face increased pressure to replace the planned whitewash with a full public inquiry, as, for example, with the Baha Mousa inquiry, held under the Inquiries Act of 2005, as Reprieve requested last summer, noting that that particular inquiry, which is due to issue its report on September 8, was “a model of an inquiry functioning efficiently, including the hearing of secret evidence.” Last summer, Reprieve lamented that, under the plan for the torture inquiry, “there is no formal mechanism for civil participation — so Reprieve and other civil organisations will not be allowed access to documents and proceedings,” whereas, under the Inquiries Act, “document classification review proceedings are sophisticated and rightly allow the judge to balance the need for national security against the need for transparency.”
For Baha Mousa’s family, nothing can ever remove the horror of his murder, but as an indictment of the unacceptable brutality of the “war on terror,” and Britain’s shameful involvement in it, the inquiry is to be commended. It needs to be replicated in the US, of course, although that remains unimaginable, and in both Britain and America it should also stand as model of how to conduct inquiries into the wider use of torture.
But that, of course, will not happen until significantly more people care about the crimes that were committed “in our name,” which at present, sadly, appears to be a far-off dream, however much Baha Mousa’s murder ought to remind us of the nightmare of our own making that we’ve been living through for the last ten years.
Andy Worthington is the author of The Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison (published by Pluto Press, distributed by Macmillan in the US, and available from Amazon — click on the following for the US and the UK) and of two other books: Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to my RSS feed (and I can also be found on Facebook, Twitter, Digg and YouTube). Also see my definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, updated in June 2011, details about the new documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (co-directed by Polly Nash and Andy Worthington, on tour in the UK throughout 2011, and available on DVD here — or here for the US), my definitive Guantánamo habeas list and the chronological list of all my articles, and, if you appreciate my work, feel free to make a donation.
On Facebook, Sod You wrote:
Only one man is prosecuted and jailed, there are others guilty of torture.
Yes, I agree — and that one-year sentence was derisory — but as a result of the inquiry, 14 other soldiers were suspended yesterday pending further investigation, and it’s been good for justice in that it was pressure by the high court that led to it happening. As the BBC explained, “The Ministry of Defence had to agree to the inquiry after it was criticised in the High Court for failing to disclose internal army documents.”
There’s also a second inquiry underway, “into allegations that Iraqis were mistreated and unlawfully killed by British troops following a fierce firefight in 2004, known to British soldiers as the battle of Danny Boy,” which is due to open in the next few months.
I’d like, of course, to see all this go much further — it’s why I brought in the US angle, as, yet again, it’s Bush and Cheney and Rumsfeld and Blair who should be in the dock, but this was a through inquiry and not a whitewash, and it has mercilessly exposed the truth, and that is rare in official inquiries.
Thanks so much for this article Andy, I agree that ultimately the US are behind the torture & murder during the dreadful wars so far and I hate that the UK are so intricately linked to them.
Apart from the US excusing & almost laughing at what they’ve ‘achieved’ I can’t get past the arms traders and their part in causing so much horror… it makes me feel physically sick!
Since I first heard about the dreadful torture and killing of Baha Mousa I can’t stop thinking about him and how he must have felt. It’s an enormous shame that the military NEED rules before they implement any morals — “the ban was never made explicit in British army guidance on prisoner of war handling.”
I agree, veganpanda, and thanks for the heartfelt comments. I have also thought about Baha Mousa often, and reflected on his death as an indictment of the supposed rationale of the invasion — let alone the hundreds of others killed in coalition custody, and the hundreds of thousands killed by our bombs. There can be no “pride” in being British when such actions take place.
Diane Langford wrote:
Justice will not be complete until all the soldiers who have committed war crimes are in the dock at the Hague.
Sod You wrote:
Soldiers are following order from above.
Or they are obeying orders that the rules on appropriate behavior — the Geneva Conventions — no longer apply, or do not apply to the “detainees” of the “war on terror,” as US soldiers were told in Afghanistan, Iraq and Guantanamo. It seems clear to me that the very same message was given to British forces.
Thanks also, Diane. Your comment made me reflect that soldiers shouldn’t need to be told what is right and wrong — although in a command structure environment it remains important for them to be given rules. That said, sadistic assaults on prisoners should never have been regarded as an option.
Christine Casner wrote:
”Following the orders does not take away the blame.” !!!! (Paraphrasing from The UN Convention Against Torture, Section (??) III) !!!!!!!!!!!!!
My reply to Diane touches on your point, Chris, which I think is, essentially, the Nuremberg defense — “just following orders” — which is central to the arguments about responsibility. It’s always worth a look at the UN Convention against Torture, though. It doesn’t mince its words. For example:
1. Each State Party shall take effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent acts of torture in any territory under its jurisdiction.
2. No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether a state of war or a threat or war, internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification of torture.
3. An order from a superior officer or a public authority may not be invoked as a justification of torture.
Torture leading to death, as in Baha Mousa’s case, doesn’t change any of the above. Why isn’t every soldier required to memorize and understand Article 2.2 — and politicians too?
Betsy Kawamura wrote:
there’s also sexual violence by US military in Iraq. had a report on this before but ‘no body’ seemed interested. what a pity it was. no one ‘interested’ in sexual violence by the us military in Iraq.. I had to laugh…
Thanks for the reminder, Betsy. What a great, great tragedy. Three years, 400 witnesses, £12 million spent, and although the truth has now been officially presented, dragged out of an unwilling MoD, all I really see is Baha Mousa before his death and after, and the howling waste and injustice and abomination of it all.
Willy Bach wrote:
Isn’t it time for British people to say they are sick of their government’s absence of dignity and contempt for their own sovereignty? Andy, this story should make them feel ill. It does me, even if I have not lived there for forty years.
Yes, I agree, Willy. However, I do think that millions of British people are appalled and ashamed by every crime committed by British soldiers in Iraq, including the murder of Baha Mousa, because of their implacable opposition to Tony Blair, whose hands bear the blood of Baha Mousa and every other Iraqi killed as part of his drive to involve us in the illegal invasion.
Blair alienated a large part of the UK population after pressing ahead with the war after the largest political protest in British history, but I don’t know how much active interest there is now, today, in genuinely living with these crimes and these criminals and pushing to hold them accountable and create a less vile world. I suspect many people are haunted by those images of Baha Mousa, but not enough …
Gabriele Müller wrote:
Sylvia P. Coley wrote:
Andy, you keep me up to date on a subject I would not be exposed to otherwise, it breaks my heart, but I thank you. spc
Well, thank you, Sylvia. It is wretched, isn’t it, but if we don’t care, and don’t make the effort to be informed, and to inform others, then I suspect it would all be even worse. I was brought up to believe in the power of knowledge and the importance of education and reading and being aware. It was an important strand of my family’s northern working class Methodist history.
Sylvia P. Coley wrote:
Andy, I really appreciate all you do and have done. Really. I have all your comments, etc. kept, like a little notebook, I think the information is formidable. You are great, Andy!
Thank you, Sylvia. I couldn’t wish for a nicer, more supportive comment than that. I do this work regardless of the feedback, knowing, from visitor stats if nothing else, that it’s getting out there, but it’s always good to hear that it’s appreciated.
I have no doubt what so ever that the orders for all or most of the criminality came from the top. It’s a complicated world we live in and the authorities can afford to ‘sacrifice’ a few soldiers; if they have to do that. Whilst this does not lessen the guilt of such individuals, they were perpetrators and victims at the same time. Many large operations work along these lines, a Drug Baron may employ many small time criminals to move and sell drugs; with the full knowledge that they are in the ‘high risk’ part of the business. Sometimes these people may go to prison or worse, depending on circumstances, but the top people are able to conduct business as usual. We often hear stories of brutality and criminality in the military across the world, so it’s not difficult for authorities to add a bit more. Standards may have fallen generically, in this age where privatization and globalization are perceived as the way forward; we may soon not know who is responsible for what.
Thanks, Peace Activist, for your thoughts.
Lisa Thornburgh wrote:
The British can handle the truth. Apparently, Americans cannot.
Thanks, Lisa. Good to hear from you.
Writer, campaigner, investigative journalist and commentator. Recognized as an authority on Guantánamo and the “war on terror.” Co-founder, Close Guantánamo, co-director, We Stand With Shaker. Also, singer and songwriter (The Four Fathers) and photographer.
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