Coming up tomorrow are new articles about Guantánamo and habeas corpus, and US intelligence and the Middle East, but to fill the vacuum today, here at Andy Worthington, I’m straying into the Afghan-Pakistani borderlands and cross-posting a distressing but extremely informative article from the Guardian by Declan Walsh, who has been investigating the little-reported disaster area that is Balochistan, where, as he puts it, “On one side is a scrappy coalition of guerrillas fighting for independence from Pakistan; on the other is a powerful army that seeks to quash their insurgency with maximum prejudice. The revolt, which has been rumbling for more than six years, is spiced by foreign interests and intrigues — US spy bases, Chinese business, vast underground reserves of copper, oil and gold.”
Insightful and tragic, this is fine investigative journalism, and I hope you enjoy it if you missed it in the pages of the Guardian.
In Balochistan, mutilated corpses bearing the signs of torture keep turning up, among them lawyers, students and farm workers. Why is no one investigating and what have they got to do with the bloody battle for Pakistan’s largest province?
The bodies surface quietly, like corks bobbing up in the dark. They come in twos and threes, a few times a week, dumped on desolate mountains or empty city roads, bearing the scars of great cruelty. Arms and legs are snapped; faces are bruised and swollen. Flesh is sliced with knives or punctured with drills; genitals are singed with electric prods. In some cases the bodies are unrecognisable, sprinkled with lime or chewed by wild animals. All have a gunshot wound in the head.
This gruesome parade of corpses has been surfacing in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province, since last July. Several human rights groups, including Amnesty International, have accounted for more than 100 bodies — lawyers, students, taxi drivers, farm workers. Most have been tortured. The last three were discovered on Sunday.
If you have not heard of this epic killing spree, though, don’t worry: neither have most Pakistanis. Newspaper reports from Balochistan are buried quietly on the inside pages, cloaked in euphemisms or, quite often, not published at all.
The forces of law and order also seem to be curiously indifferent to the plight of the dead men. Not a single person has been arrested or prosecuted; in fact, police investigators openly admit they are not even looking for anyone. The stunning lack of interest in Pakistan’s greatest murder mystery in decades becomes more understandable, however, when it emerges that the prime suspect is not some shady gang of sadistic serial killers, but the country’s powerful military and its unaccountable intelligence men.
This is Pakistan’s dirty little war. While foreign attention is focused on the Taliban, a deadly secondary conflict is bubbling in Balochistan, a sprawling, mineral-rich province along the western borders with Afghanistan and Iran. On one side is a scrappy coalition of guerrillas fighting for independence from Pakistan; on the other is a powerful army that seeks to quash their insurgency with maximum prejudice. The revolt, which has been rumbling for more than six years, is spiced by foreign interests and intrigues — US spy bases, Chinese business, vast underground reserves of copper, oil and gold.
And in recent months it has grown dramatically worse. At the airport in Quetta, the provincial capital, a brusque man in a cheap suit marches up to my taxi with a rattle of questions. “Who is this? What’s he doing here? Where is he staying?” he asks the driver, jerking a thumb towards me. Scribbling the answers, he waves us on. “Intelligence,” says the driver.
The city itself is tense, ringed by jagged, snow-dusted hills and crowded with military checkposts manned by the Frontier Corps (FC), a paramilitary force in charge of security. Schools have recently raised their walls; sand-filled Hesco barricades, like the ones used in Kabul and Baghdad, surround the FC headquarters. In a restaurant the waiter apologises: tandoori meat is off the menu because the nationalists blew up the city’s gas pipeline a day earlier. The gas company had plugged the hole that morning, he explains, but then the rebels blew it up again.
The home secretary, Akbar Hussain Durrani, a neatly suited, well-spoken man, sits in a dark and chilly office. Pens, staplers and telephones are neatly laid on the wide desk before him, but his computer is blank. The rebels have blown up a main pylon, he explains, so the power is off. Still, he insists, things are fine. “The government agencies are operating in concert, everyone is acting in the best public interest,” he says. “This is just a … political problem.” As we speak, a smiling young man walks in and starts to take my photo; I later learn he works for the military’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) spy agency.
We cut across the city, twisting through the backstreets, my guide glancing nervously out the rear window. The car halts before a tall gate that snaps shut behind us. Inside, a 55-year-old woman named Lal Bibi is waiting, wrapped in a shawl that betrays only her eyes, trembling as she holds forth a picture of her dead son Najibullah. The 20-year-old, who ran a shop selling motorbike parts, went missing last April after being arrested at an FC checkpost, she says. His body turned up three months later, dumped in a public park on the edge of Quetta, badly tortured. “He had just two teeth in his mouth,” she says in a voice crackling with pain. She turns to her father, a turbaned old man sitting beside her, and leans into his shoulder. He grimaces.
Bibi says her family was probably targeted for its nationalist ties — Najibullah’s older brother, now dead, had joined the “men in the mountains” years earlier, she says. Now a nephew, 28-year-old Maqbool, is missing. She prays for him, regularly calling the hospitals for any sign of him and, occasionally, the city morgues.
Over a week of interviews in Karachi and Quetta, I meet the relatives of seven dead men and nine “disappeared” — men presumed to have been abducted by the security forces. One man produces a mobile phone picture of the body of his 22-year-old cousin, Mumtaz Ali Kurd, his eyes black with swelling and his shirt drenched in blood. A relative of Zaman Khan, one of three lawyers killed in the past nine months, produces court papers. A third trembles as he describes finding his brother’s body in an orchard near Quetta.
Patterns emerge. The victims were generally men between 20 and 40 years old — nationalist politicians, students, shopkeepers, labourers. In many cases they were abducted in broad daylight — dragged off buses, marched out of shops, detained at FC checkposts — by a combination of uniformed soldiers and plain-clothes intelligence men. Others just vanished. They re-emerge, dead, with an eerie tempo — approximately 15 bodies every month, although the average was disturbed last Saturday when eight bodies were found in three locations across Balochistan.
Activists have little doubt who is behind the atrocities. Human Rights Watch says “indisputable” evidence points to the hand of the FC, the ISI and its sister agency, Military Intelligence. A local group, Voice for Missing Persons, says the body count has surpassed 110. “This is becoming a state of terror,” says its chairman, Naseerullah Baloch.
The army denies the charges, saying its good name is being blemished by impersonators. “Militants are using FC uniforms to kidnap people and malign our good name,” says Major General Obaid Ullah Khan Niazi, commander of the 46,000 FC troops stationed in Balochistan. “Our job is to enforce the law, not to break it.”
Despairing relatives feel cornered. Abdul Rahim, a farmer wearing a jewelled skullcap, is from Khuzdar, a hotbed of insurgent violence. He produces court papers detailing the abduction of his son Saadullah in 2009. First he went to the courts but then his lawyer was shot dead. Then he went to the media but the local press club president was killed. Now, Rahim says, “nobody will help in case they are targeted too. We are hopeless.”
Balochistan has long been an edgy place. Its vast, empty deserts and long borders are a magnet for provocateurs of every stripe. Taliban fighters slip back and forth along the 800-mile Afghan border; Iranian dissidents hide inside the 570-mile frontier with Iran. Drug criminals cross the border from Helmand, the world’s largest source of heroin, on their way to Iran or lonely beaches on the Arabian Sea. Wealthy Arab sheikhs fly into remote airstrips on hunting expeditions for the houbara bustard, a bird they believe improves their lovemaking. At Shamsi, a secretive airbase in a remote valley in the centre of the province, CIA operatives launch drones that attack Islamists in the tribal belt.
The US spies appreciate the lack of neighbours – Balochistan covers 44% of Pakistan yet has half the population of Karachi. The province’s other big draw is its natural wealth. At Reko Diq, 70 miles from the Afghan border, a Canadian-Chilean mining consortium has struck gold, big-time. The Tethyan company has discovered 4bn tonnes of mineable ore that will produce an estimated 200,000 tonnes of copper and 250,000 ounces of gold per year, making it one of the largest such mines in the world. The project is currently stalled by a tangled legal dispute, but offers a tantalising taste of Balochistan’s vast mineral riches, which also includes oil, gas, platinum and coal. So far it is largely untapped, though, and what mining exists is scrappy and dangerous. On 21 March, 50 coal workers perished in horrific circumstances when methane gas flooded their mine near Quetta, then catastrophically exploded.
Two conflicts are rocking the province. North of Quetta, in a belt of land adjoining the Afghan border, is the ethnic Pashtun belt. Here, Afghan Taliban insurgents shelter in hardline madrasas and lawless refugee camps, taking rest in between bouts of battle with western soldiers in Afghanistan. It is home to the infamous “Quetta shura”, the Taliban war council, and western officials say the ISI is assisting them. Some locals agree. “It’s an open secret,” an elder from Kuchlak tells me. “The ISI gave a fleet of motorbikes to local elders, who distributed them to the fighters crossing the border. Nobody can stop them.”
The other conflict is unfolding south of Quetta, in a vast sweep that stretches from the Quetta suburbs to the Arabian Sea, in the ethnic Baloch and Brahui area, whose people have always been reluctant Pakistanis. The first Baloch revolt erupted in 1948, barely six months after Pakistan was born; this is the fifth. The rebels are splintered into several factions, the largest of which is the Balochistan Liberation Army. They use classic guerrilla tactics — ambushing military convoys, bombing gas pipelines, occasionally lobbing rockets into Quetta city. Casualties are relatively low: 152 FC soldiers died between 2007 and 2010, according to official figures, compared with more than 8,000 soldiers and rebels in the 1970s conflagration.
But this insurgency seems to have spread deeper into Baloch society than ever before. Anti-Pakistani fervour has gripped the province. Baloch schoolchildren refuse to sing the national anthem or fly its flag; women, traditionally secluded, have joined the struggle. Universities have become hotbeds of nationalist sentiment. “This is not just the usual suspects,” says Rashed Rahman, editor of the Daily Times, one of few papers that regularly covers the conflict.
At a Quetta safehouse I meet Asad Baloch, a wiry, talkative 22-year-old activist with the Baloch Students’ Organisation (Azad). “We provide moral and political support to the fighters,” he says. “We are making people aware. When they are aware, they act.” It is a risky business: about one-third of all “kill and dump” victims were members of the BSO.
Baloch anger is rooted in poverty. Despite its vast natural wealth, Balochistan is desperately poor — barely 25% of the population is literate (the national average is 47%), around 30% are unemployed and just 7% have access to tap water. And while Balochistan provides one-third of Pakistan’s natural gas, only a handful of towns are hooked up to the supply grid.
The insurgents are demanding immediate control of the natural resources and, ultimately, independence. “We are not part of Pakistan,” says Baloch.
His phone rings. News comes through that another two bodies have been discovered near the coast. One, Abdul Qayuum, was a BSO activist. Days later, videos posted on YouTube show an angry crowd carrying his bloodied corpse into a mortuary. He had been shot in the head.
The FC commander, Maj Gen Niazi, wearing a sharp, dark suit and with neatly combed hair (he has just come from a conference) says he has little time for the rebel demand. “The Baloch are being manipulated by their leaders,” he says, noting that the scions of the main nationalist groups live in exile abroad — Hyrbyair Marri in London; Brahamdagh Bugti in Geneva. “They are enjoying the life in Europe while their people suffer in the mountains,” he says with a sigh.
Worse again, he adds, they were supported by India. The Punjabi general offers no proof for his claim, but US and British intelligence broadly agree, according to the recent WikiLeaks cables. India sees Balochistan as payback for Pakistani meddling in Kashmir — which explains why Pakistani generals despise the nationalists so much. “Paid killers,” says Niazi. He vehemently denies involvement in human rights violations. “To us, each and every citizen of Balochistan is equally dear,” he says.
Civilian officials in the province, however, have another story. Last November, the provincial chief minister, Aslam Raisani, told the BBC that the security forces were “definitely” guilty of some killings; earlier this month, the province’s top lawyer, Salahuddin Mengal, told the supreme court the FC was “lifting people at will.” He resigned a week later.
However, gross human rights abuses are not limited to the army. As the conflict drags on, the insurgents have become increasingly brutal and ruthless. In the past two years, militants have kidnapped aid workers, killed at least four journalists and, most disturbingly, started to target “settlers” — unarmed civilians, mostly from neighbouring Punjab, many of whom have lived in Balochistan for decades. Some 113 settlers were killed in cold blood last year, according to government figures — civil servants, shopkeepers, miners. On 21 March, militants riding motorbikes sprayed gunfire into a camp of construction workers near Gwadar, killing 11; the Baloch Liberation Front claimed responsibility. Most grotesque, perhaps, are the attacks on education: 22 school teachers, university lecturers and education officials have been assassinated since January 2008, causing another 200 to flee their jobs.
As attitudes harden, the middle ground is being swept away in a tide of bloodshed. “Our politicians have been silenced,” says Habib Tahir, a human rights lawyer in Quetta. “They are afraid of the young.” I ask a student in Quetta to defend the killing of teachers. “They are not teachers, they work for the intelligence agencies,” one student tells me. “They are like thieves coming into our homes. They must go.”
The Islamabad government seems helpless to halt Balochistan’s slide into chaos. Two years ago, President Asif Ali Zardari announced a sweeping package of measures intended to assuage Baloch grievances, including thousands of jobs, a ban on new military garrisons and payment of $1.4bn (£800m) in overdue natural gas royalties. But violence has hijacked politics, the plan is largely untouched, and anaemic press coverage means there is little outside pressure for action.
Pakistan’s foreign allies, obsessed with hunting Islamists, have ignored the problem. “We are the most secular people in the region, and still we are being ignored,” says Noordin Mengal, who represents Balochistan on the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.
In this information vacuum, the powerful do as they please. Lawyer Kachkol Ali witnessed security forces drag three men from his office in April 2009. Their bodies turned up five days later, dead and decomposed. After telling his story to the press, Ali was harassed by military intelligence, who warned him his life was in danger. He fled the country. “In Pakistan, there is only rule of the jungle,” he says by phone from Lørenskog, a small Norwegian town where he won asylum last summer. “Our security agencies pick people up and treat them like war criminals,” he says. “They don’t even respect the dead.”
Balochistan’s dirty little war pales beside Pakistan’s larger problems — the Taliban, al-Qaida, political upheaval. But it highlights a very fundamental danger — the ability of Pakistanis to live together in a country that, under its Islamic cloak, is a patchwork of ethnicities and cultures. “Balochistan is a warning of the real battle for Pakistan, which is about power and resources,” says Haris Gazdar, a Karachi-based researcher. “And if we don’t get it right, we’re headed for a major conflict.”
Before leaving Quetta I meet Faiza Mir, a 36-year-old lecturer in international relations at Quetta’s Balochistan University. Militants have murdered four of her colleagues in the past three years, all because they were “Punjabi.” Driving on to the campus, she points out the spots where they were killed, knowing she could be next.
“I can’t leave,” says Mir, a sparky woman with an irrepressible smile. “This is my home too.” And so she engages in debate with students, sympathising with their concerns. “I try to make them understand that talk is better than war,” she says.
But some compromises are impossible. Earlier on, students had asked Mir to remove a portrait of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan’s founding father, from her office wall. Mir politely refused, and Jinnah — an austere lawyer in a Savile Row suit — still stares down from her wall.
But how long will he stay there? “That’s difficult to say,” she answers.
Andy Worthington is the author of The Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison (published by Pluto Press, distributed by Macmillan in the US, and available from Amazon — click on the following for the US and the UK) and of two other books: Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to my RSS feed (and I can also be found on Facebook, Twitter, Digg and YouTube). Also see my definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, updated in July 2010, details about the new documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (co-directed by Polly Nash and Andy Worthington, on tour in the UK throughout 2011, and available on DVD here — or here for the US), my definitive Guantánamo habeas list and the chronological list of all my articles, and, if you appreciate my work, feel free to make a donation.
On Facebook, Eugene Hernandez wrote:
Amir Khan wrote:
Thank you Andyworth… excellent read as always. Shared
Well, it’s slightly off my usual beat, Amir, but it’s a topic I’d been wondering about and hadn’t had time to research properly, and then along came Declan with something fully formed and fascinating, which enabled me to put something up on my site today while two brand-new articles — about Guantanamo and habeas corpus, and about US intelligence and the revolutions in the Middle East — are in the pipeline; the first for Cageprisoners, the second for the Future of Freedom Foundation.
I’m trying to make my site reliable for readers, in the sense that there’s something new to read everyday — whether it’s a brand-new article, or a cross-post of something that I anticipate that my readers will like.
Willy Bach wrote:
Andy, once again, we should ask whether even one of the US allies does not use methods of barbarity like this. Needless to say, all of the US acolytes, including Britain have questions to answer regarding their complicity.
I guess there are all kinds of variations, Willy. These struck me as very localized, very specific, although I suspect there may be correlations with the stories of others disappeared internally by the Pakistani government or by various intelligence agencies across the country since 9/11, when the Americans’ interest in urging Pakistan to be the frontline in the “War on Terror” had a few useful domestic side-effects — the opportunity to clear out the last unwanted Arab ex-mujahideen, mostly married to local women, by telling the US that they were al-Qaeda/the Taliban, and the chance to indulge freely in industrial-scale domestic “disappearances,” secure in the knowledge that everything could be hidden behind the dominant secrecy of the American’s “War on Terror.” You know, I’m sure, that in his 2006 autobiography, In The Line of Fire, President Musharraf bragged that, in return for handing over hundreds of terror suspects, the Pakistani government received millions of dollars.
On the domestic front, well worth looking into, if you don’t know it, is the work of Amina Masood Janjua, the wife of one of Pakistan’s internally “disappeared,” who has been campaigning to know about her husband’s whereabouts, and those of hundreds of others, for six years. Her website, Defence of Human Rights Pakistan, is here: http://www.dhrpk.org/
And here’s a very recent article about her arrest, with 57 other people (including children) on March 18:
Kat Tehranchi wrote:
Thank you so much for this Andy. The Baloch are people without a voice. You and Declan have made many very happy today.
Joan Conway wrote:
There is no love amongst tribes in these failed nations Andy. They are committing crimes against humanity for money.
Thanks, Kat. I’m not so clear about your point, Joan.
And Kat, this was also something on my peripheral vision because the Balochs’ plight is one addressed here in London by CAMPACC, the Campaign Aagainst Criminalising Communities, whose work I admire, and whose meetings I sometimes attend. Their briefing, “Baluchistan Under State Terror,” is here: http://campacc.org.uk/uploads/baluch.pdf
Andy with such a tight blackout of the news from Balochistan by the Pakistani media, the Baloch issue has found its way to the western media for which I along with my nation sincerely thank Declan and you for educating the people about Balochistan’s forgotten conflict.
The situation is deteriorating and is worst in real. Humanity is at stake and this requires an International intervention to notice and stop the barbarism Pakistani establishment is committing against the Baloch. Apart from the humanitarian grounds, U.S and its western allies, so much concerned about their fight are losing a friend and an ally in their war on terror. Baloch being secular in nature fiercely oppose the influence of the mullahs and also oppose the Taliban, can be a good ally of Westerners and its Geo-political importance too can play a vital role in making the world an endurable place for every people to live.
Thanks, Miran, for getting in touch. As I explained in the message above, concerned readers in the UK can become involved by contacting CAMPACC and supporting exiled Baloch activists here in the UK.
For the US, “Crisis Balochistan” looks like a good place to start, but please let me know of any other good places to establish campaigning contacts and to learn more:
Razia Ahmed wrote (in response to 7, above):
india, united states, israel are doing their best to make pakistan a failed state. there are literally hundreds of cia (black water) and who knows raw and mosad operatives slip in and out of pakistan wreaking havoc in all the cities of pakistan. balochistan is of special interest because of the natural gas and mineral deposits and more importantly it borders iran.
have you heard of raymond davis? i suggest you look him him up and while at it look up confessions of an economic hitman. open your eyes and mind before making stupid statements
Zartashia Baloch wrote:
i’m glad to see that all here are not silent spectators, there are ones who can listen, feel, sympathise and most of all express their unbiased thoughts and give an impartial evaluation really thanks ANDY and i really hope more people would come to Baluchistan and see for themselves the situation here and would unveil the real brutal face of the occupier.
Razia Ahmed wrote:
zartashia, are you from balochistan? i’d love to come and see for myself what’s going on there.
Zartashia Baloch wrote:
yes i’m frm BALOCHISTAN, u r more than welcome to come and see for ur self whts happening here, come and meet the effected families. like ANDY did
Thanks, Zartashia. It’s very good to hear from you, and to have you verify what Declan was reporting, and what I have heard from exiled Baloch representatives here in London.
It’s nice of you to credit me with visiting to see for myself, but I can’t claim that accolade — I have, literally, only swung in on the coat tails of Declan Walsh, cross-posting his story in the hope of getting it out to a wider audience.
Zartashia Baloch wrote:
i love and appreciate ur intentions sir, and of each n every one who is trying to bring our situations as u say “to a wider audience”
Well, thank you again, Zartashia, and I’m delighted to do whatever I can to help.
Incidentally, I have just today received the following email from the Peter Tatchell Foundation:
Pakistani atrocities in occupied Balochistan
Victims tortured and executed
US and UK supply weapons to Pakistani military killers
London – 31 March 2011
Peter Tatchell of the Peter Tatchell Foundation writes:
“The mutilated bodies of five more disappeared persons have been found in Pakistani-occupied Balochistan. The bodies bore bullet wounds and marks of torture. The dead included current or former student leaders. Witnesses stated that they were abducted by persons in uniform and in plain clothes who identified themselves as Pakistani intelligence agents, according to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC),” said Mr Tatchell.
See the full AHRC report here: http://tiny.cc/qy1nt
“These extra-judicial murders are the latest of dozens of targeted assassinations of Baloch nationalist leaders and human rights campaigners by the military and intelligence services of the colonising power, Pakistan. The apparent aim of the Pakistani security services is to decapitate and liquidate the leadership and defenders of the Baloch nation.
“Disappearances in Balochistan have become routine, with thousands going missing in recent years. Most are unaccounted for. Some have ended up in the torture chambers of the western-backed Pakistani military. In the last year, more and more disappeared persons have been extra-judicially killed, probably to ensure that they can never testify against their abductors and torturers.
“In 1948, less than a year after securing independence from Britain, Balochistan was invaded and annexed by Pakistan. The Baloch people never voted to be part of Pakistan. They have been under military occupation ever since. A succession of Baloch national leaders have been overthrown, jailed or assassinated.
“Pakistan is a neo-colonial occupying power. It is denying the Baloch people the right to self-determination; systematically violating human rights, destroying Baloch culture and exploiting the mineral riches of Balochistan while leaving its people in abject poverty.
“Britain and the US supply military equipment to the Pakistani armed forces, some of which is being used to suppress the Baloch people. US-supplied fighter planes and attack helicopters are used to bomb and strafe Baloch villages,” concluded Mr Tatchell.
Read Peter Tatchell’s Guardian articles which give more background information:
On the recent history of massacres by the Pakistani military: http://tiny.cc/oxfau
On the history of the Pakistani conquest and annexation of Balochistan: http://tiny.cc/guptp
Take Action – Protest against Pakistan’s atrocities
Please email or write a letter of protest to the Pakistani authorities.
A sample letter is on the AHRC website here: http://tiny.cc/qy1nt
This sample letter gives the email addresses for the President and Prime Minister of Paksistan:
Asif Ali Zardari
President of Pakistan
Syed Yousaf Raza Gilani
Prime Minister of Pakistan
Wajid Shamsul Hasan
High Commissioner for Pakistan
34 – 36 Lowndes Square
London SW1X 9JN
Razia Ahmed wrote:
zartasia, it is a promise next time i am in pakistan, which i hope would be soon, i’ll come to visit you
Dosten Baloch wrote:
Thanks Andy for sharing this article as it helped many to get an insight on the ongoing genocide of Balochs by the Pakistani establishment.We appreciate your and Declan’s work for raising the voice of the unheard people of Balochistan.
Thank you for your kind concern Andy. Wendy Johnston is doing a brilliant job by educating people from http://crisisbalochistan.com/
Apart from this there are certain Baloch websites whose address are already mentioned in the CAMPACC link you shared. I would like to direct you to a Facebook group working to raise the plight of Baloch and expose the atrocities of Pakistani establishment being committed against the Baloch nation. It shares news updates, pictures of the missing and martyred Baloch and different articles related to Balochistan that different Baloch websites miss to share. Please pay a visit to
Thanks, Miran. Very useful indeed.
We appreciate your work for raising the voice of the unheard people of Balochistan.I read and shared through my E.mail to all my Friend and network.
You’re welcome, Shakeela. Happy to help.
Thank you Declane and ANDY for sharing such a good article. This is a very comprehensive cover up of all the unnatural and terrorist like acts of Pakistan in occupied Balochistan. We will wait for such articles in future.
Salute you Andy, we Baloch need you to explore us to the world. Thanx Andy
You’re welcome, but nowI need to find the time for an update.
Its an human disaster my friend,its not just matter of army operations in Baloch territories in Pakistan and Iran, if some one has close observation on this issue then they know we are suffering in number of ways, our growth is totally paused from half an century. We are looking for help from international community to stop this hidden war and genocide of Baloch, at least support us verbally, the UN, EU and US etc… Ya you should update this page and bring attention of the world toward this dirty game, its a issue of a nation, not just few individuals and we dont see any hope by stake holders yet, Baloch political or other forces and current regime.
( Human Rights Free Zone; BALUCHISTAN)
Writer, campaigner, investigative journalist and commentator. Recognized as an authority on Guantánamo and the “war on terror.” Co-founder, Close Guantánamo, co-director, We Stand With Shaker. Also, singer and songwriter (The Four Fathers) and photographer.
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